π️Lonny's War Update- October 512, 2023 - March 1, 2025 π️
π️Day 513 that 59 of our hostages in Hamas captivity
**There is nothing more important than getting them home! NOTHING!**
“I’ve never met them,But I miss them. I’ve never met them,but I think of them every second. I’ve never met them,but they are my family. BRING THEM HOME NOW!!!”
We’re waiting for you, all of you.
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
There is no victory until all of the hostages are home!ΧΧΧ Χ Χ¦ΧΧΧ Χ’Χ Χ©ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧΧ€ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧͺ
Red Alerts - Missile, Rocket, Drone (UAV - unmanned aerial vehicles), and Terror Attacks and Death Announcements
*
Hostage Updates
‘First Saturday with no one coming home’: Freed hostage Romi Gonen says deal must not end
Romi Gonen, freed for Gaza captivity on January 19 at the start of the ceasefire in Gaza, writes on Instagram: “It’s the first Saturday since my return that no brothers and sisters of ours are coming home. The feelings are difficult, and there’s a tightness in my throat. Fifty-nine hostages are still held captive and waiting to return home.”
“I was there, I know — they have no time,” she writes. The deal and releases “must not stop. We have to get them all home — the living to their families and the fallen to eternal rest.”
Gonen adds: “It’s sad that even after hostages have come out and the entire world saw their state, we still need to fight for the obvious. Continue to fight, continue to pray — in the end, good always wins.”
Hostage Updates
‘First Saturday with no one coming home’: Freed hostage Romi Gonen says deal must not end
Romi Gonen, freed for Gaza captivity on January 19 at the start of the ceasefire in Gaza, writes on Instagram: “It’s the first Saturday since my return that no brothers and sisters of ours are coming home. The feelings are difficult, and there’s a tightness in my throat. Fifty-nine hostages are still held captive and waiting to return home.”
“I was there, I know — they have no time,” she writes. The deal and releases “must not stop. We have to get them all home — the living to their families and the fallen to eternal rest.”
Gonen adds: “It’s sad that even after hostages have come out and the entire world saw their state, we still need to fight for the obvious. Continue to fight, continue to pray — in the end, good always wins.”
Hamas sources said to oppose extension of ceasefire’s first stage
Palestinians live among the rubble of their homes which were destroyed in the war between Israel and Hamas, in the city of Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on February 23, 2025. (Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90)
Hamas sources quoted by Haaretz contend that if the terror group were to agree to extend the first phase by continuing to free batches of hostages, it would be losing the only major leverage it currently has.
“If there isn’t a clear deadline for the end of the war and a full [IDF] withdrawal, the release of all the hostages can’t be expected,” an unnamed source is quoted as saying.
The sources float a potential compromise that would see the return of sick or slain captives in exchange for Palestinian security prisoners serving lengthy jail terms, alongside improvement in the inmates’ conditions and more aid entering Gaza.- What a surprise! Hamas rejects the idea of extending phase one and demands an immediate move to phase two. Did anyone really think Hamas would accept this Israeli proposal? Who assumed that only Israel has leverage (resuming the war)? Hamas also has leverage (the living hostages). Phase two must be advanced immediately, and all the hostages must
be returned in one go! (Gershon Baskin, 28.2.2025)
Hamas sources said to oppose extension of ceasefire’s first stage
Hamas sources quoted by Haaretz contend that if the terror group were to agree to extend the first phase by continuing to free batches of hostages, it would be losing the only major leverage it currently has.
“If there isn’t a clear deadline for the end of the war and a full [IDF] withdrawal, the release of all the hostages can’t be expected,” an unnamed source is quoted as saying.
The sources float a potential compromise that would see the return of sick or slain captives in exchange for Palestinian security prisoners serving lengthy jail terms, alongside improvement in the inmates’ conditions and more aid entering Gaza.
be returned in one go! (Gershon Baskin, 28.2.2025)
Hamas source tells Saudi TV Israeli violating Gaza deal by refusing to discuss 2nd phase
Saudi Television station Asharq cites a source close to Hamas as saying talks in Cairo yesterday failed to reach an agreement on a second phase of the Gaza ceasefire, while blaming “Israel’s procrastination.”
The source says Jerusalem is seeking to extend the current first phase, ending today, and that Hamas considers this “a violation of the agreement.”
He says the terror group “demanded that the mediators oblige Tel Aviv to implement all the terms of the agreement, because Israel is the one that continues to violate and breach the agreement, as it is delaying entering into the second phase negotiations.”
Second-phase negotiations had been set to begin on the 16th day of the deal, but Israel has so far not agreed to discuss that stage, which would see the war end permanently. link While I loath to agree to anything that Hamas says, this is true. Israel is in violation of the agreement but there is no American pressure to continue, so Netanyahu feels free to do as he wishes, which is not good for the lives of the living hostages and the completion of the hostage deal.
Funeral of Itzik Elgarat, ‘abandoned to die in captivity,’ to be held Monday
Itzik Elgarat was taken captive from his Kibbutz Nir Oz home by Hamas terrorists on October 7, 2023. (Courtesy)
The family of murdered hostage Itzik Elgarat says his funeral service will be held on Monday at 2 p.m. outside his home in Kibbutz Nir Oz, from which he was abducted on Oct. 7, 2023.
“Our Itzik was abandoned to die in Hamas captivity,” the announcement says.
The service will be open to the public and media. The burial at the kibbutz cemetery will be private.
Shlomo Mantzur to be buried Sunday in Kissufim; procession to set out from Rishon Lezion
The Hostages and Missing Families Forum says murdered hostage Shlomo Mantzur will be laid to rest tomorrow in his home community of Kibbutz Kissufim, from which he was kidnapped on Oct. 7, 2023.A procession will set out from Rishon Lezion at 9:45 a.m. and head south to the kibbutz.
The family invites Israelis to stand along the roadside with flags to accompany Mantzur.
The procession will pass at Yad Mordechai Junction around 10:45 a.m., at Sa’ad Junction at 11 a.m., and at Gama Junction and Kissufim Junction around 11:15 a.m.
The funeral will begin at 12:30 p.m. in Kibbutz Kissufim.
“The public is invited to the eulogy ceremony and the procession to the cemetery,” the statement says. “At the family’s request, the funeral will be closed to the media.”
David was held with almost no food or water, and Elkanah was told, "You will die here."
New testimonies from recently released hostages reveal the harsh captivity conditions of those still held by Hamas. Hostages report dramatic weight loss, being held in cramped tunnels, and a lack of food and water. Families of children whose fathers are in captivity say, "There isn’t a night when my daughter doesn’t wake up crying, asking where her father is."
As efforts to secure the release of the hostages continue, new testimonies emerge about the difficult conditions faced by the 59 hostages still held by Hamas, over twenty of whom are still alive. Hostages released in recent phases have revealed that those remaining in Gaza are being held in tunnels under harsh conditions, suffering from starvation and deliberate psychological terror inflicted by their captors.
**Elkanah Bohbot: Held in a cramped tunnel**
According to testimonies from released hostages, Elkanah Bohbot is being held in a small, crowded cell within a tunnel alongside other hostages. One returned hostage described a particularly difficult farewell from Elkanah and the others left behind, as they realized he was being released while they remained in captivity with no known date for their release.
**Conditions of Elkanah Bohbot’s captivity**
According to testimonies, Elkanah has lost significant weight and is suffering from malnutrition. Additionally, he is subjected to severe psychological terror, with his captors repeatedly telling him, "Israel is doing nothing to bring you home" and "You will die here, in the tunnels."
**Omri Miran: A sign of life from July**
The condition of Omri Miran, who is being held captive while his wife and two daughters are in Israel, is particularly concerning. A sign of life regarding him was received from released hostages, but the information is only current as of July. A returned hostage recounted meeting Omri in an apartment, but he was later taken to an unknown location, and his fate remains unknown.
**Conditions of Omri Miran’s captivity**
Released hostages reported that Omri was held alone for periods of time, completely cut off from communication or information from the outside world. Only in April, six months after his abduction, did Omri discover that his family had survived the October 7 massacre. Until then, he had no idea what had happened to his wife and two daughters.
**David Cunio: A long period without food or water**
Another hostage still being held is David Cunio, whose wife Sharon and daughters were abducted with him and returned in the first phase of the release deal. According to new testimonies, Cunio has been moved multiple times between different tunnels.
**Conditions of David Cunio’s captivity**
Cunio was forced to say goodbye to close friends who were released, while he remained behind. For a long period, he was held with almost no food or water and was cut off from communication or information about what was happening in Israel. He was also subjected to psychological terror, unaware that efforts were being made to secure his release and uncertain if or when he would return home.
**"The children wake up at night crying"**
Behind every hostage is a suffering family, especially young children waiting for their fathers. Mothers of children whose fathers are in captivity describe a harsh reality: "There isn’t a night when my daughter doesn’t wake up crying, asking where her father is," one mother shared. "Every time I leave the house, it’s endless crying. My daughter is afraid that I won’t come back either."
Another mother recounted, "In recent months, my daughter’s hair has started falling out due to stress and anxiety" – this is a preschool-aged child. Another mother shared, "My son builds binoculars in kindergarten so he can help find his dad."
The family of Maxim Herkin, another father held captive, chose not to be interviewed. Additionally, families of hostages murdered in captivity are still waiting for the return of their bodies for burial in Israel.
**Ben Gvir updated on the implications of his statements**
Eli Sharabi, one of the recently released hostages, linked the conduct of senior government officials, particularly former Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, to the conditions of captivity in an interview yesterday on the program "Uvda." Tonight, we reported that security officials presented Ben Gvir with intelligence information about the dramatic implications of his statements on the hostages' situation. Sharabi testified in the interview, "Every statement made in Israel, the first to suffer are we, the hostages."link Ben Gvir is such a horrible creature. When told what the returned hostages have said about their worsening condition as a result of his hardening the conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons, he said that he was proud of what he had done. He didn't care at all that our hostages were suffering because of retribution from his actions. And why should he care? He has never cared about the hostages from the very beginning and has been totally willing to sacrifice all of their lives for his messianic ideologies.
**"The 5-year-old girl asks: When will they bring back Dad's body?"**
Hamas source tells Saudi TV Israeli violating Gaza deal by refusing to discuss 2nd phase
Saudi Television station Asharq cites a source close to Hamas as saying talks in Cairo yesterday failed to reach an agreement on a second phase of the Gaza ceasefire, while blaming “Israel’s procrastination.”
The source says Jerusalem is seeking to extend the current first phase, ending today, and that Hamas considers this “a violation of the agreement.”
He says the terror group “demanded that the mediators oblige Tel Aviv to implement all the terms of the agreement, because Israel is the one that continues to violate and breach the agreement, as it is delaying entering into the second phase negotiations.”
Second-phase negotiations had been set to begin on the 16th day of the deal, but Israel has so far not agreed to discuss that stage, which would see the war end permanently. link While I loath to agree to anything that Hamas says, this is true. Israel is in violation of the agreement but there is no American pressure to continue, so Netanyahu feels free to do as he wishes, which is not good for the lives of the living hostages and the completion of the hostage deal.
Funeral of Itzik Elgarat, ‘abandoned to die in captivity,’ to be held Monday
Itzik Elgarat was taken captive from his Kibbutz Nir Oz home by Hamas terrorists on October 7, 2023. (Courtesy)
The family of murdered hostage Itzik Elgarat says his funeral service will be held on Monday at 2 p.m. outside his home in Kibbutz Nir Oz, from which he was abducted on Oct. 7, 2023.
“Our Itzik was abandoned to die in Hamas captivity,” the announcement says.
The service will be open to the public and media. The burial at the kibbutz cemetery will be private.
Shlomo Mantzur to be buried Sunday in Kissufim; procession to set out from Rishon Lezion
A procession will set out from Rishon Lezion at 9:45 a.m. and head south to the kibbutz.
The family invites Israelis to stand along the roadside with flags to accompany Mantzur.
The procession will pass at Yad Mordechai Junction around 10:45 a.m., at Sa’ad Junction at 11 a.m., and at Gama Junction and Kissufim Junction around 11:15 a.m.
The funeral will begin at 12:30 p.m. in Kibbutz Kissufim.
“The public is invited to the eulogy ceremony and the procession to the cemetery,” the statement says. “At the family’s request, the funeral will be closed to the media.”
David was held with almost no food or water, and Elkanah was told, "You will die here."
New testimonies from recently released hostages reveal the harsh captivity conditions of those still held by Hamas. Hostages report dramatic weight loss, being held in cramped tunnels, and a lack of food and water. Families of children whose fathers are in captivity say, "There isn’t a night when my daughter doesn’t wake up crying, asking where her father is."
As efforts to secure the release of the hostages continue, new testimonies emerge about the difficult conditions faced by the 59 hostages still held by Hamas, over twenty of whom are still alive. Hostages released in recent phases have revealed that those remaining in Gaza are being held in tunnels under harsh conditions, suffering from starvation and deliberate psychological terror inflicted by their captors.
**Elkanah Bohbot: Held in a cramped tunnel**
According to testimonies from released hostages, Elkanah Bohbot is being held in a small, crowded cell within a tunnel alongside other hostages. One returned hostage described a particularly difficult farewell from Elkanah and the others left behind, as they realized he was being released while they remained in captivity with no known date for their release.
**Conditions of Elkanah Bohbot’s captivity**
According to testimonies, Elkanah has lost significant weight and is suffering from malnutrition. Additionally, he is subjected to severe psychological terror, with his captors repeatedly telling him, "Israel is doing nothing to bring you home" and "You will die here, in the tunnels."
**Omri Miran: A sign of life from July**
The condition of Omri Miran, who is being held captive while his wife and two daughters are in Israel, is particularly concerning. A sign of life regarding him was received from released hostages, but the information is only current as of July. A returned hostage recounted meeting Omri in an apartment, but he was later taken to an unknown location, and his fate remains unknown.
**Conditions of Omri Miran’s captivity**
Released hostages reported that Omri was held alone for periods of time, completely cut off from communication or information from the outside world. Only in April, six months after his abduction, did Omri discover that his family had survived the October 7 massacre. Until then, he had no idea what had happened to his wife and two daughters.
**David Cunio: A long period without food or water**
Another hostage still being held is David Cunio, whose wife Sharon and daughters were abducted with him and returned in the first phase of the release deal. According to new testimonies, Cunio has been moved multiple times between different tunnels.
**Conditions of David Cunio’s captivity**
Cunio was forced to say goodbye to close friends who were released, while he remained behind. For a long period, he was held with almost no food or water and was cut off from communication or information about what was happening in Israel. He was also subjected to psychological terror, unaware that efforts were being made to secure his release and uncertain if or when he would return home.
**"The children wake up at night crying"**
Behind every hostage is a suffering family, especially young children waiting for their fathers. Mothers of children whose fathers are in captivity describe a harsh reality: "There isn’t a night when my daughter doesn’t wake up crying, asking where her father is," one mother shared. "Every time I leave the house, it’s endless crying. My daughter is afraid that I won’t come back either."
Another mother recounted, "In recent months, my daughter’s hair has started falling out due to stress and anxiety" – this is a preschool-aged child. Another mother shared, "My son builds binoculars in kindergarten so he can help find his dad."
The family of Maxim Herkin, another father held captive, chose not to be interviewed. Additionally, families of hostages murdered in captivity are still waiting for the return of their bodies for burial in Israel.
**Ben Gvir updated on the implications of his statements**
Eli Sharabi, one of the recently released hostages, linked the conduct of senior government officials, particularly former Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, to the conditions of captivity in an interview yesterday on the program "Uvda." Tonight, we reported that security officials presented Ben Gvir with intelligence information about the dramatic implications of his statements on the hostages' situation. Sharabi testified in the interview, "Every statement made in Israel, the first to suffer are we, the hostages."link Ben Gvir is such a horrible creature. When told what the returned hostages have said about their worsening condition as a result of his hardening the conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons, he said that he was proud of what he had done. He didn't care at all that our hostages were suffering because of retribution from his actions. And why should he care? He has never cared about the hostages from the very beginning and has been totally willing to sacrifice all of their lives for his messianic ideologies.
**"The 5-year-old girl asks: When will they bring back Dad's body?"**
As the second phase of the hostage deal hangs in the balance, the families of those declared fallen refuse to give up—even though there will be no happy ending. "I will never hug my dad again at the Re'im meeting point," they say. Sixteen months after the last time they saw their loved ones, family members speak about the lingering doubt that perhaps their father or son is still alive, the struggles of the ongoing fight, and the complex emotions: "Suddenly, we all dreamed he wasn’t dead. It’s insane."
"We’ve reached a point in this struggle where we’re asking ourselves how much more we can endure emotionally," says Bar Godard. "The fight for the bodies is very, very lonely. There’s also a battle of explanation—you have to explain why you’re even fighting for this. There’s no full understanding of what we’re fighting for because the outcome we’ll receive won’t be a happy one. I won’t have a happy ending; I won’t hug my dad at the Re'im meeting point. But his ending must happen so we can stop living in this limbo."
"I will not hug my father at the 'meeting point in the bad'." The late Manny Goddard and his daughter Bar | Photo: Courtesy of the familyBar is the daughter of Menny Godard, the beloved and kind-hearted manager of the swimming pool at Kibbutz Be’eri, who was murdered on the cursed Saturday of October 7 in his home at the kibbutz. Her mother, Ayelet, was also killed. Unlike her mother, whose body was brought to burial, her father’s body was abducted to Gaza. Godard is one of 35 hostages officially declared as no longer alive and not included in the list for the first phase of the hostage deal.
The conversation with his daughter takes place the day after the return of the bodies of fallen soldiers, the first in the current deal: the Bibas family—Shiri and her children Ariel and Kfir—and Oded Lifshitz, may their memories be a blessing. This horrific event, in the eyes of someone who has been fighting this surreal battle for 16 months, like Bar, could actually be a milestone that brings encouraging news.
"It’s hard to say something optimistic after a day like this because it was so overwhelming for everyone, and Shiri is from my class. This extreme day, where everyone felt like they couldn’t breathe and were suffocating—we’ve been living like this for a year and a half. But yes, there was suddenly a feeling of more empathy and understanding of the importance of bringing everyone home. For a long time, I had to tell myself that I was fighting first and foremost for the living, and only then for my dad, in the end. I say this to kill the doubts, to feel that my fight has a strong enough foundation. And especially after yesterday, after the tragic ending for two families, I felt some validation that our fight is just. I felt validation within myself."
**"I need this closure"**
For months, Mwnny Godard was considered missing, and his children were convinced his body had been burned in the family home, which was completely engulfed in flames. Only in December did it become clear that his body had been abducted. Over a year ago, on February 8, 2024, Kibbutz Be’eri announced Godard’s murder at the age of 73—and that he was a fallen captive. "On October 7, I was already in an advanced stage of pregnancy. Just after we realized Dad was abducted, I gave birth, and we were busy with the birth and moving because we were also evacuated from Be’eri and in the process of rehabilitation," Bar recounts. "We didn’t even have any contact with the hostage family headquarters at that time. When we realized Dad was abducted—and this is the crazy part—suddenly we all started dreaming that Dad was coming back and saying, 'I’m not dead.' It shook all of us. We realized we had to close this chapter to truly move forward."
"So no, we don’t have hope today that Dad will return alive. But we have a deep understanding that he must return and be buried next to my mother. Her grave is in Be’eri, and it’s still exposed; we haven’t made a headstone yet. We’re constantly waiting for Dad before we make the joint headstone. I still say my dad should be the last," Godard emphasizes, "but today I feel it’s right to fight for him to be here because I need this closure. I need to know that the State of Israel, and those who abandoned him, will do everything to bring him back so we can heal. That will only happen when he’s here. I won’t return to Be’eri before my dad is here."
Was there a point where you thought about giving up?
"Yes. Because every day you go to the square, or you meet people and tell them the story again, it drains you emotionally and leaves you with this loneliness. Sometimes you just want to live as if nothing happened, wake up in the morning, go to work, be happy with your kids, and live a normal life. You don’t want to constantly feel anger and ongoing pain, or feel jealous of people whose lives are normal. And I want that too! I want the simplicity of life, not to be preoccupied all the time, not to be afraid all the time, not to wait all the time—just to be able to heal and start this process of recovery for all of us. But I can’t give up. I just can’t. My dad was my best friend; I’m a daddy’s girl. The thought of leaving him behind doesn’t let me rest. I can’t do it, even if I really want to."
Godard shares that she recently tried to return to work but broke down after two months. "I felt that if I went back to work, I was normalizing the situation of hostages being in Gaza—but I can’t keep silent and let this continue. I couldn’t be there. You see people talking about things, and you hear half-conversations, and your mind is only on one thing. And beyond that, you’re in constant tension."
"Is there no correction for this negligence? Will there be no correction?". Demonstrators in favor of continuing the deal Photo: Haim Goldberg, Flash 90**"Our dad can wait for the end"**
Someone who did make the difficult decision to return to work, despite being in a very similar situation to Godard’s, is Boaz Zalmanovitz, the son of Aryeh from Kibbutz Nir Oz. The interview with him took place at the end of another workday. Zalmanovitz the son, a former military man, now works in the IDF’s history department as a civilian. Today, as unbelievable as it sounds, he is researching the events of the terrible day his father was abducted—the day that led to his murder by his captors. Aryeh Zalmanovitz, 85 at the time of his murder, was documented in Hamas captivity. On December 1, 2023, he was declared a fallen captive.
When you received the terrible news, was it clear to you that you would return to routine?
"First of all, it was quick—40 days after my father was tortured to death, body and soul. We work, my wife and I, and the kids are in university. But it’s not really a routine; after all, I’m being interviewed by you, and this week I spoke on the radio a few times, and we go to protests and statements. Not with the intensity that many others do, but even before this, we didn’t go with intensity. Unfortunately, our dad is dead. I assume that if we knew he was alive, the situation would be different, and yes, we would continue to act differently, though I don’t know how. Often I tell people that, in a way, we’re lucky to have certainty."
The late Aryeh Zalmanovitz and his son Boaz | Photo: Courtesy of the familyWere there second thoughts about this?
"We think we’re rational people, okay? We saw the video where he’s seen dead, and returned hostages told us he was dead, and the state confirmed it. We concluded he was dead, unfortunately, but it’s easier. There are those who don’t accept even that, and I understand them—until they see their loved one with their own eyes, they hold on to hope."
"It hurts us; we’re sad," Zalmanovitz the son clarifies. "Every Saturday, this muscle in my phone hurts—no matter if we talked during the week or not, our sacred phone call at 6:30 in the evening. After I speak on the radio, I tell myself I’ll call Dad to tell him I spoke on the radio, but then I remember he’s dead, and I spoke to bring him back. In the end, he’s dead. From that same perspective, I say that if they say we need to sacrifice one hostage, leave a dead body there, to bring back the living, I personally volunteer. Because first and foremost, it’s about the living."
"The most important thing is that the arrangement brings living people back," Zalmanovitz the son says about the current deal, which he insists on calling an "arrangement," not a deal. "My dad—we think he needs to be returned. We don’t think he deserves to be left somewhere in Gaza without a proper burial. But still, for us, and this is also my brother’s opinion, we need to bring back the living. Our dad can wait for the end, and I don’t know how they’ll do it."
How significant is your dad’s advanced age in this?
"He was an 85-and-a-half-year-old man. So it’s not just about our character—if I had a son there, I assume I’d be in a different situation. Do we want a grave to visit all the time? I don’t think so. We want him to be buried in a proper place, and I don’t know if we’ll visit his grave every year, okay? Bereaved parents sometimes visit their children’s graves every day because that’s what parents do."
**"There’s always that small doubt lurking"**
"Life has completely changed, 180 degrees. I haven’t returned to work yet," says Yael Adar, the mother of Tamir Adar, a member of the standby squad of Nir Oz. "It’s the same for Tamir’s father and brothers; everyone is searching for themselves. We’re living in ongoing trauma." Adar, 38, fell in battle defending the kibbutz, and his body was also abducted—as the kibbutz announced over a year ago, two months after the surprise attack. "Our previous lives—we look back at them with longing and nostalgia. We lived in a village, the kids in the kibbutz and I in the moshav; today we’re in the city. Tamir is gone, and uncertainty has emerged about when Tamir will return to us, where we’ll live in the future. We don’t know what tomorrow will bring, when we’ll get Tamir back, and I’m afraid to say 'if'—I insist on 'when'—so we can say goodbye to him, rebuild, and decide where to live and what work circle I’ll return to."
"The world of concepts has been distorted, and it shouldn’t be like this for children, who are supposed to gain confidence in the adult world during these years," emphasizes Adar, whose mother-in-law, Yaffa, was also abducted and returned in the first deal. "Where have you heard of a 5-year-old girl asking, 'When will they bring back Dad’s body?' and all sorts of other questions we have to deal with. Is this the reality of a normal family in a Western society, in a democratic, sovereign state?"
"Our former lives, we look at them with longing and longing." Yael and his son Tamir Adar, the late | Photo: Courtesy of the familyWhy is the issue of burial so important to you?
"When they don’t bring him for burial, it’s not the stone that’s important to me—it’s the certainty. Because there’s always that small doubt lurking. After all, no one saw him, and all the information is based on intelligence. I must say I accept the determination regarding Tamir, but there’s always that small doubt. Bringing him back for burial is also closing a circle in terms of accepting reality, so we can move on."
**"You were there for us; we’re bringing you back"**
Yael keeps recalling the events of that Saturday, the last morning of her son’s life. "Tamir could have locked himself in the safe room with his wife and kids and survived the massacre, but what did he do? He was called to defend the community because 'the army will be here soon due to the fear of terrorist infiltration.' But the army arrived late, and Tamir was killed. He left the house in the name of mutual responsibility to defend not just the kibbutz—we’re on the border of the state; essentially, he went out to defend the state’s border. If it weren’t for the standby squads defending the state’s border, I don’t know how far those terrorists would have gone. And in the name of that mutual responsibility, he paid with his life. So if there’s one value for which it’s important to bring him back for burial—it’s the value of mutual responsibility. You were there for us; we’re bringing you back."
**"Hoping for a miracle that he’s still alive"**
Someone who views the situation quite differently is Talik Gvilli, the mother of Ran, a Yamam (Police special forces) fighter who went out to fight at Kibbutz Alumim on October 7 despite the injury he was suffering from. According to the official version, Gvilli fell in battle, his body was not found, and therefore he is defined as abducted. His mother still clings to the hope that her son, despite everything, is still alive.
Gvilli, a lawyer by profession, pins her hopes on the circumstantial assumptions that led to the determination. "We simply think there are some holes in the narrative. I think determining death based on the assumption that he didn’t receive medical treatment is problematic. There could be some hope, albeit small, but it exists, and we’re hoping for a miracle that he’s still alive. He’s a very, very strong guy. We have a message from the head of the Shin Bet that they searched the place where they thought he was buried, near some mosque. We understood that for several months they searched there for the body and didn’t find it. They brought many other bodies, but they didn’t find him, and that’s the only thing we know."
Ran Gvilli went to fight on October 7Do you imagine him alive somewhere?
"From the beginning, from day one, of course. Sitting alone in some tunnel."
Does this decision, to continue believing Ran is alive, place an additional burden on you?
"On the contrary. On the day they told us this terrible news, the fear we felt until then turned into hope. We stopped being afraid and started hoping. You’re afraid to return to that fear."
Did the official announcement actually give you more hope?
"It’s not exactly more hope. Think about it—until the announcement, we lived in hysterical fear about what was happening to him, where he was, and who was with him there. We know he’s injured. Did they treat him? Did they not treat him? There were so many questions. And on the day they told us he wasn’t alive, we received hope. It’s a crazy thing; it’s hard to explain, but I think about it a lot."
"I haven't returned to my routine, I travel everywhere." Talik Goili, Ran's mother, at the demonstration Photo: Haim Goldberg, Flash 90**"A rollercoaster of despair and hope"**
"I haven’t returned to routine," Gvilli clarifies. "The day after October 7, I closed my office and transferred all my clients to friends. My daily life is built around giving interviews, talking, meeting with every decision-maker possible, the more important and the less important, and doing everything possible to keep this in the public eye. To keep people talking about Ran."
The conversation with Gvilli by the way, takes place on the 26th birthday of her abducted son. "We were at the school he attended, lecturing and talking about him together with our nieces and nephews. We’re simply occupied all day with the issue of the hostages, and his, and trying to do everything possible. Every day is a bit different; a few days ago, we woke up to a statement from Donald Trump about an ultimatum. Every day we’re on a crazy rollercoaster, from despair to hope. Literally every day, we experience the full range of emotions possible, sometimes even within minutes."
Have you managed to return to any part of your previous routine?
"No. We travel everywhere possible. This week, I’m going to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv and wherever else is needed. I’m really not tied to the routine I had before October 7. There’s not even a resemblance."
Are you preparing for the possibility that this reality will continue for a long time?
"Absolutely. Even now, with the war still ongoing, we’re in some sense that things aren’t over. The reality is still war, so even if we want to be in a routine, we’re not in a routine."
Ran Gvilli
The current deal has pushed the families of the fallen hostages even further to the margins. Even before this, they were in a relatively squeezed position within the massive saga that has accompanied us for a year and four months. Thirty-five families, as of the publication of these lines, are all required, like the Gvilli family, to prepare for the painful possibility that this reality will continue for a long time—even years."That’s our starting point. If he returns early, we’ll be happy and surprised," says Zalmanovitz the son. Adar, on the other hand, thinks differently: "I can’t think about it. We all need to remember the Goldin family, certainly Ron Arad, which is a scar on the heart of the nation, not just the Arad family. When they returned Oron Shaul for burial after ten and a half years, what did his mother say? 'I have a lot to say, but I’ve run out of strength.' So she didn’t say it. And I say I can’t imagine someone leaving me like this until I also run out of strength. This must end as soon as possible. There’s a trail of abandonment here. And isn’t there any correction for this abandonment? Won’t there be any correction?" link
As the second phase of the hostage deal hangs in the balance, the families of those declared fallen refuse to give up—even though there will be no happy ending. "I will never hug my dad again at the Re'im meeting point," they say. Sixteen months after the last time they saw their loved ones, family members speak about the lingering doubt that perhaps their father or son is still alive, the struggles of the ongoing fight, and the complex emotions: "Suddenly, we all dreamed he wasn’t dead. It’s insane."
"We’ve reached a point in this struggle where we’re asking ourselves how much more we can endure emotionally," says Bar Godard. "The fight for the bodies is very, very lonely. There’s also a battle of explanation—you have to explain why you’re even fighting for this. There’s no full understanding of what we’re fighting for because the outcome we’ll receive won’t be a happy one. I won’t have a happy ending; I won’t hug my dad at the Re'im meeting point. But his ending must happen so we can stop living in this limbo."
Bar is the daughter of Menny Godard, the beloved and kind-hearted manager of the swimming pool at Kibbutz Be’eri, who was murdered on the cursed Saturday of October 7 in his home at the kibbutz. Her mother, Ayelet, was also killed. Unlike her mother, whose body was brought to burial, her father’s body was abducted to Gaza. Godard is one of 35 hostages officially declared as no longer alive and not included in the list for the first phase of the hostage deal.
The conversation with his daughter takes place the day after the return of the bodies of fallen soldiers, the first in the current deal: the Bibas family—Shiri and her children Ariel and Kfir—and Oded Lifshitz, may their memories be a blessing. This horrific event, in the eyes of someone who has been fighting this surreal battle for 16 months, like Bar, could actually be a milestone that brings encouraging news.
"It’s hard to say something optimistic after a day like this because it was so overwhelming for everyone, and Shiri is from my class. This extreme day, where everyone felt like they couldn’t breathe and were suffocating—we’ve been living like this for a year and a half. But yes, there was suddenly a feeling of more empathy and understanding of the importance of bringing everyone home. For a long time, I had to tell myself that I was fighting first and foremost for the living, and only then for my dad, in the end. I say this to kill the doubts, to feel that my fight has a strong enough foundation. And especially after yesterday, after the tragic ending for two families, I felt some validation that our fight is just. I felt validation within myself."
**"I need this closure"**
For months, Mwnny Godard was considered missing, and his children were convinced his body had been burned in the family home, which was completely engulfed in flames. Only in December did it become clear that his body had been abducted. Over a year ago, on February 8, 2024, Kibbutz Be’eri announced Godard’s murder at the age of 73—and that he was a fallen captive. "On October 7, I was already in an advanced stage of pregnancy. Just after we realized Dad was abducted, I gave birth, and we were busy with the birth and moving because we were also evacuated from Be’eri and in the process of rehabilitation," Bar recounts. "We didn’t even have any contact with the hostage family headquarters at that time. When we realized Dad was abducted—and this is the crazy part—suddenly we all started dreaming that Dad was coming back and saying, 'I’m not dead.' It shook all of us. We realized we had to close this chapter to truly move forward."
"So no, we don’t have hope today that Dad will return alive. But we have a deep understanding that he must return and be buried next to my mother. Her grave is in Be’eri, and it’s still exposed; we haven’t made a headstone yet. We’re constantly waiting for Dad before we make the joint headstone. I still say my dad should be the last," Godard emphasizes, "but today I feel it’s right to fight for him to be here because I need this closure. I need to know that the State of Israel, and those who abandoned him, will do everything to bring him back so we can heal. That will only happen when he’s here. I won’t return to Be’eri before my dad is here."
Was there a point where you thought about giving up?
"Yes. Because every day you go to the square, or you meet people and tell them the story again, it drains you emotionally and leaves you with this loneliness. Sometimes you just want to live as if nothing happened, wake up in the morning, go to work, be happy with your kids, and live a normal life. You don’t want to constantly feel anger and ongoing pain, or feel jealous of people whose lives are normal. And I want that too! I want the simplicity of life, not to be preoccupied all the time, not to be afraid all the time, not to wait all the time—just to be able to heal and start this process of recovery for all of us. But I can’t give up. I just can’t. My dad was my best friend; I’m a daddy’s girl. The thought of leaving him behind doesn’t let me rest. I can’t do it, even if I really want to."
Godard shares that she recently tried to return to work but broke down after two months. "I felt that if I went back to work, I was normalizing the situation of hostages being in Gaza—but I can’t keep silent and let this continue. I couldn’t be there. You see people talking about things, and you hear half-conversations, and your mind is only on one thing. And beyond that, you’re in constant tension."
**"Our dad can wait for the end"**
Someone who did make the difficult decision to return to work, despite being in a very similar situation to Godard’s, is Boaz Zalmanovitz, the son of Aryeh from Kibbutz Nir Oz. The interview with him took place at the end of another workday. Zalmanovitz the son, a former military man, now works in the IDF’s history department as a civilian. Today, as unbelievable as it sounds, he is researching the events of the terrible day his father was abducted—the day that led to his murder by his captors. Aryeh Zalmanovitz, 85 at the time of his murder, was documented in Hamas captivity. On December 1, 2023, he was declared a fallen captive.
When you received the terrible news, was it clear to you that you would return to routine?
"First of all, it was quick—40 days after my father was tortured to death, body and soul. We work, my wife and I, and the kids are in university. But it’s not really a routine; after all, I’m being interviewed by you, and this week I spoke on the radio a few times, and we go to protests and statements. Not with the intensity that many others do, but even before this, we didn’t go with intensity. Unfortunately, our dad is dead. I assume that if we knew he was alive, the situation would be different, and yes, we would continue to act differently, though I don’t know how. Often I tell people that, in a way, we’re lucky to have certainty."
Were there second thoughts about this?
"We think we’re rational people, okay? We saw the video where he’s seen dead, and returned hostages told us he was dead, and the state confirmed it. We concluded he was dead, unfortunately, but it’s easier. There are those who don’t accept even that, and I understand them—until they see their loved one with their own eyes, they hold on to hope."
"It hurts us; we’re sad," Zalmanovitz the son clarifies. "Every Saturday, this muscle in my phone hurts—no matter if we talked during the week or not, our sacred phone call at 6:30 in the evening. After I speak on the radio, I tell myself I’ll call Dad to tell him I spoke on the radio, but then I remember he’s dead, and I spoke to bring him back. In the end, he’s dead. From that same perspective, I say that if they say we need to sacrifice one hostage, leave a dead body there, to bring back the living, I personally volunteer. Because first and foremost, it’s about the living."
"The most important thing is that the arrangement brings living people back," Zalmanovitz the son says about the current deal, which he insists on calling an "arrangement," not a deal. "My dad—we think he needs to be returned. We don’t think he deserves to be left somewhere in Gaza without a proper burial. But still, for us, and this is also my brother’s opinion, we need to bring back the living. Our dad can wait for the end, and I don’t know how they’ll do it."
How significant is your dad’s advanced age in this?
"He was an 85-and-a-half-year-old man. So it’s not just about our character—if I had a son there, I assume I’d be in a different situation. Do we want a grave to visit all the time? I don’t think so. We want him to be buried in a proper place, and I don’t know if we’ll visit his grave every year, okay? Bereaved parents sometimes visit their children’s graves every day because that’s what parents do."
**"There’s always that small doubt lurking"**
"Life has completely changed, 180 degrees. I haven’t returned to work yet," says Yael Adar, the mother of Tamir Adar, a member of the standby squad of Nir Oz. "It’s the same for Tamir’s father and brothers; everyone is searching for themselves. We’re living in ongoing trauma." Adar, 38, fell in battle defending the kibbutz, and his body was also abducted—as the kibbutz announced over a year ago, two months after the surprise attack. "Our previous lives—we look back at them with longing and nostalgia. We lived in a village, the kids in the kibbutz and I in the moshav; today we’re in the city. Tamir is gone, and uncertainty has emerged about when Tamir will return to us, where we’ll live in the future. We don’t know what tomorrow will bring, when we’ll get Tamir back, and I’m afraid to say 'if'—I insist on 'when'—so we can say goodbye to him, rebuild, and decide where to live and what work circle I’ll return to."
"The world of concepts has been distorted, and it shouldn’t be like this for children, who are supposed to gain confidence in the adult world during these years," emphasizes Adar, whose mother-in-law, Yaffa, was also abducted and returned in the first deal. "Where have you heard of a 5-year-old girl asking, 'When will they bring back Dad’s body?' and all sorts of other questions we have to deal with. Is this the reality of a normal family in a Western society, in a democratic, sovereign state?"
Why is the issue of burial so important to you?
"When they don’t bring him for burial, it’s not the stone that’s important to me—it’s the certainty. Because there’s always that small doubt lurking. After all, no one saw him, and all the information is based on intelligence. I must say I accept the determination regarding Tamir, but there’s always that small doubt. Bringing him back for burial is also closing a circle in terms of accepting reality, so we can move on."
**"You were there for us; we’re bringing you back"**
Yael keeps recalling the events of that Saturday, the last morning of her son’s life. "Tamir could have locked himself in the safe room with his wife and kids and survived the massacre, but what did he do? He was called to defend the community because 'the army will be here soon due to the fear of terrorist infiltration.' But the army arrived late, and Tamir was killed. He left the house in the name of mutual responsibility to defend not just the kibbutz—we’re on the border of the state; essentially, he went out to defend the state’s border. If it weren’t for the standby squads defending the state’s border, I don’t know how far those terrorists would have gone. And in the name of that mutual responsibility, he paid with his life. So if there’s one value for which it’s important to bring him back for burial—it’s the value of mutual responsibility. You were there for us; we’re bringing you back."
**"Hoping for a miracle that he’s still alive"**
Someone who views the situation quite differently is Talik Gvilli, the mother of Ran, a Yamam (Police special forces) fighter who went out to fight at Kibbutz Alumim on October 7 despite the injury he was suffering from. According to the official version, Gvilli fell in battle, his body was not found, and therefore he is defined as abducted. His mother still clings to the hope that her son, despite everything, is still alive.
Gvilli, a lawyer by profession, pins her hopes on the circumstantial assumptions that led to the determination. "We simply think there are some holes in the narrative. I think determining death based on the assumption that he didn’t receive medical treatment is problematic. There could be some hope, albeit small, but it exists, and we’re hoping for a miracle that he’s still alive. He’s a very, very strong guy. We have a message from the head of the Shin Bet that they searched the place where they thought he was buried, near some mosque. We understood that for several months they searched there for the body and didn’t find it. They brought many other bodies, but they didn’t find him, and that’s the only thing we know."
Do you imagine him alive somewhere?
"From the beginning, from day one, of course. Sitting alone in some tunnel."
Does this decision, to continue believing Ran is alive, place an additional burden on you?
"On the contrary. On the day they told us this terrible news, the fear we felt until then turned into hope. We stopped being afraid and started hoping. You’re afraid to return to that fear."
Did the official announcement actually give you more hope?
"It’s not exactly more hope. Think about it—until the announcement, we lived in hysterical fear about what was happening to him, where he was, and who was with him there. We know he’s injured. Did they treat him? Did they not treat him? There were so many questions. And on the day they told us he wasn’t alive, we received hope. It’s a crazy thing; it’s hard to explain, but I think about it a lot."
**"A rollercoaster of despair and hope"**
"I haven’t returned to routine," Gvilli clarifies. "The day after October 7, I closed my office and transferred all my clients to friends. My daily life is built around giving interviews, talking, meeting with every decision-maker possible, the more important and the less important, and doing everything possible to keep this in the public eye. To keep people talking about Ran."
The conversation with Gvilli by the way, takes place on the 26th birthday of her abducted son. "We were at the school he attended, lecturing and talking about him together with our nieces and nephews. We’re simply occupied all day with the issue of the hostages, and his, and trying to do everything possible. Every day is a bit different; a few days ago, we woke up to a statement from Donald Trump about an ultimatum. Every day we’re on a crazy rollercoaster, from despair to hope. Literally every day, we experience the full range of emotions possible, sometimes even within minutes."
Have you managed to return to any part of your previous routine?
"No. We travel everywhere possible. This week, I’m going to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv and wherever else is needed. I’m really not tied to the routine I had before October 7. There’s not even a resemblance."
Are you preparing for the possibility that this reality will continue for a long time?
"Absolutely. Even now, with the war still ongoing, we’re in some sense that things aren’t over. The reality is still war, so even if we want to be in a routine, we’re not in a routine."
Ran Gvilli
"That’s our starting point. If he returns early, we’ll be happy and surprised," says Zalmanovitz the son. Adar, on the other hand, thinks differently: "I can’t think about it. We all need to remember the Goldin family, certainly Ron Arad, which is a scar on the heart of the nation, not just the Arad family. When they returned Oron Shaul for burial after ten and a half years, what did his mother say? 'I have a lot to say, but I’ve run out of strength.' So she didn’t say it. And I say I can’t imagine someone leaving me like this until I also run out of strength. This must end as soon as possible. There’s a trail of abandonment here. And isn’t there any correction for this abandonment? Won’t there be any correction?" link
Gaza and the South
"Every Terrorist Knows to Point at Him": The "Race" for Sinwar’s Successor
The list of terrorists released in the deal is stomach-turning—hundreds of life-sentenced prisoners, murderers responsible for the deadliest attacks we've known, in exchange for bringing our hostages back from the hell in Gaza. The security establishment promises tight intelligence monitoring and targeted assassinations if necessary, but the trauma of the Shalit deal and the shock of October 7 make it hard to believe. How many truly return to terrorism? What happens when a released terrorist goes underground? And which names will Hamas demand in the next phase?
On the eve of Simchat Torah 2023, the Gaza Division’s operations room was relatively calm—until 11:00 PM, when the silence was shattered. A regular intelligence soldier burst in, shouting: Ali Qadi, commander of the elite Nukhba assault unit in northern Gaza, was acting suspiciously. "It looks like he is preparing for a raid with his men," the soldier warned. According to a report by Haaretz, the information was passed to the division’s intelligence officer. His response, either out of complacency or arrogance, was dismissive: "Routine training, nothing special."
Less than eight hours later, Qadi reappeared on the control room’s screens—this time just beyond the door, leading dozens of Nukhba terrorists into Israel through the Erez Crossing. By 7:25 AM, he was already seen escorting three kidnapped Israeli soldiers, their hands raised, into Gaza.
"Every Terrorist Knows to Point at Him": The "Race" for Sinwar’s Successor
The list of terrorists released in the deal is stomach-turning—hundreds of life-sentenced prisoners, murderers responsible for the deadliest attacks we've known, in exchange for bringing our hostages back from the hell in Gaza. The security establishment promises tight intelligence monitoring and targeted assassinations if necessary, but the trauma of the Shalit deal and the shock of October 7 make it hard to believe. How many truly return to terrorism? What happens when a released terrorist goes underground? And which names will Hamas demand in the next phase?
On the eve of Simchat Torah 2023, the Gaza Division’s operations room was relatively calm—until 11:00 PM, when the silence was shattered. A regular intelligence soldier burst in, shouting: Ali Qadi, commander of the elite Nukhba assault unit in northern Gaza, was acting suspiciously. "It looks like he is preparing for a raid with his men," the soldier warned. According to a report by Haaretz, the information was passed to the division’s intelligence officer. His response, either out of complacency or arrogance, was dismissive: "Routine training, nothing special."
Less than eight hours later, Qadi reappeared on the control room’s screens—this time just beyond the door, leading dozens of Nukhba terrorists into Israel through the Erez Crossing. By 7:25 AM, he was already seen escorting three kidnapped Israeli soldiers, their hands raised, into Gaza.
The Cost of Hostage Deals: A Cycle of Terror
The case of Qadi is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the high cost of hostage deals: a significant percentage of released terrorists return to terrorism. Estimates among security officials range between 12% and 82% of former prisoners re-engaging in hostile activity. The raw numbers speak for themselves: of the approximately 240 prisoners freed in the first hostage deal of November 2023, 30 have already been re-arrested, and three have been killed. The current deal includes 47 terrorists who were already released in the Shalit deal, returned to terror, and were arrested again.
Since 1983, Israel has released thousands of terrorists in three major deals:
- Jibril Deal (1983): 4,765 terrorists freed for six Israeli soldiers
- Jibril Deal (1985): 1,150 terrorists freed for three Israeli soldiers
- Shalit Deal (2011): 1,027 terrorists freed for one soldier
- Jibril Deal (1983): 4,765 terrorists freed for six Israeli soldiers
- Jibril Deal (1985): 1,150 terrorists freed for three Israeli soldiers
- Shalit Deal (2011): 1,027 terrorists freed for one soldier
The strategic consequences have been devastating: former prisoners have become the architects of terror for future decades. Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, released in the second Jibril deal, founded Hamas two years later. Yahya Sinwar and his men, released in the Shalit deal, seized power in Hamas and orchestrated the October 7 attack.
Some released prisoners returned to terrorism almost immediately. On the eve of Passover 2014, Ziad Awad murdered Chief Superintendent Baruch Mizrahi in a shooting attack near Kiryat Arba. In June 2015, another freed terrorist, Osama As’ad, participated in the shooting attack near Dolev, killing Danny Gonen.
"We must assume that every one of them will return to terrorism," emphasizes Moshe Pozailov, a former senior Shin Bet official and researcher at the Misgav Institute. "They return more skilled and sophisticated because their experiences have taught them how to counter the Shin Bet’s number one tool for counterterrorism—interrogations."
From Prison to Leadership: The Terror Architects of Tomorrow
One of the most striking examples is Saleh al-Arouri, who was recruited in his youth by Yassin, served 15 years in Israeli prison, and was released in the Shalit deal. He quickly became one of Hamas’ top strategists, establishing the West Bank command responsible for planning and funding terror attacks in Judea and Samaria. Operating from exile in Beirut, he masterminded the 2014 kidnapping and murder of three Israeli teenagers and played a key role in orchestrating the Simchat Torah massacre of 2023.
Despite their immediate return to terrorism, both Sinwar and al-Arouri were only eliminated during the war—al-Arouri in a Beirut explosion in January 2024, and Sinwar in a battle in Rafah nine months later.
According to Pozailov, identifying future terrorist leaders is not difficult. "Every intelligence officer in the Israel Prison Service can pinpoint the top five leaders in any prison," he explains. "Leadership is very authentic—you can’t fake it. Every terrorist knows exactly who the real leaders are."
Security Monitoring vs. the Reality of Recidivism
The security establishment tackles released terrorists at multiple levels, none of which are foolproof. Initially, the Shin Bet closely monitors them. If signs of re-engagement with terrorism emerge, responses range from warnings to re-arrest.
"They must be subjected to the full technological surveillance capabilities of the Shin Bet," says Pozailov. "But as we saw on October 7, technology alone is not enough—we thought we knew everything, but in reality, we knew nothing."
One effective method would be imposing judicial or military restrictions, such as curfews or mandatory check-ins with intelligence officers. "They should be required to report weekly for interviews with Shin Bet field agents," he suggests. "Agents should conduct surprise inspections, interview family members, and ensure a constant presence in their lives."
In extreme cases, targeted assassinations are an option. "There are no automatic manhunts for released terrorists," clarifies Lior Akerman, a former senior Shin Bet official. "Targeted killings are only carried out if a terrorist is identified as planning or executing an attack."
However, the situation becomes critical when a released terrorist goes underground. "It's like basketball," describes Pozailov. "You must maintain contact. The moment you lose it, you know you’re about to get scored on. If they disappear, they must be declared wanted and all counterterrorism tools deployed. Going underground is a clear signal that they are preparing to kill Israelis."
Hamas’ Next Demands
In the current deal, 295 Hamas terrorists, 259 Fatah terrorists, 61 from Islamic Jihad, and even three ISIS operatives are being released. The distinction between Hamas and Fatah prisoners, once significant, is now fading. Among the most notorious Fatah terrorists released are leaders of its military wing, responsible for deadly attacks during the Second Intifada.One such terrorist, Ahmed Barghouti, was recently freed. As the right-hand man of Marwan Barghouti, he was convicted of murdering 12 Israelis, including in the 2002 Sea Food Market restaurant bombing in Tel Aviv. Just weeks ago, he was filmed in Egypt conversing with senior Hamas leader Zaher Jabarin, praising Hamas leadership.
Returning to terrorism is almost inevitable. Upon release, they are celebrated as heroes in Palestinian society. Just a month ago, Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas called to congratulate terrorist Yasser Abu Bakr, responsible for the murder of a nine-month-old Israeli baby and her father in 2002.
"Prison time only strengthens their status: In prison, they forge connections, deepen their understanding of the Israeli system, and emerge with an established reputation that makes it easier for them to return to hostile activities."
"Prison time, instead of deterring, sometimes becomes an additional motive to return to terrorism," explains Fuzailov. "These people come out as heroes, and the natural first choice is to return to the cycle of struggle against Israel."
The security system is well-acquainted with the released prisoners, which makes tracking them easier. "You don’t need to search for who the dangerous figure in a city like Nablus is," explains Hasson. "You have a name, and you have a fingerprint. In that sense, it’s like trying to fish in a freezer." However, he emphasizes that the released prisoners are more dangerous than "ordinary" terrorists: "This is a person with more experience, their organizational starting point is above suspicion, and they are more goal-oriented than a beginner operative. All these factors together create a much greater risk component."
**"The political echelon preferred deportation"**
The decision by the political echelon regarding some of the most serious terrorists—those who murdered, carried out bombings, or sent suicide bombers—was to deport them to foreign countries, a decision that was not met with enthusiasm by the security establishment. The understanding is that releasing terrorists and deporting them abroad could inject new blood into Hamas’ leadership, exactly as happened with Al-Arouri, who proved that even from exile in Beirut, it is possible to plan and carry out deadly attacks.
Moreover, the ability to act against terrorists who return to violence is much more complicated when they are in foreign countries, especially those that already host senior Hamas officials and allow them to operate from their territory. "Abroad, it’s much more complicated," warns Hasson. "You might feel that he’s not an immediate and tangible threat, but that’s not necessarily true. On one hand, deportation reduces the risk, but on the other, it makes thwarting more difficult. There’s no clear-cut solution here."
In fact, keeping the released prisoners under Israeli security control allows the security system to closely monitor them, track them, and deal with them as necessary. "Deportation complicates intelligence surveillance, and the Shin Bet preferred to release them into the territory, but the political echelon preferred deportation," says Ackerman. He clarifies that the released prisoners do not have "immunity" from future harm: "The so-called immunity is only for past activities for which they were arrested. Any new activity will lead to their arrest or elimination."
Despite the significant challenge, Ackerman believes the security system can handle the price of the deal. "The Shin Bet has very high intelligence capabilities in the West Bank—both human and technological. The working methods allow for the monitoring of all released prisoners." Hasson adds: "Every morning, 6–7 million Palestinians wake up in our area, and not one of them is looking for the JNF box to donate to the Zionist cause. The security system deals with 6–7 million threats every morning."
**A bright red line**
Some of the biggest symbols of terrorism from the Second Intifada remain in prison and will not be released at this stage of the deal, after Israel vetoed their release: Abdullah Barghouti, Hamas’ "engineer," serving 67 life sentences; Ibrahim Hamed, a senior commander of Hamas’ military wing in the West Bank; Abbas al-Sayed, responsible for the Park Hotel massacre in Netanya; Marwan Barghouti, a Tanzim commander sentenced to five life terms; and Ahmad Saadat, secretary-general of the Popular Front and the planner of Minister Rehavam Ze’evi’s assassination. Hamas is expected to demand their release in future phases, if they occur.
Amid the many dilemmas surrounding the release of terrorists, there is one point on which there is no debate in the security system: the Nukhba terrorists who massacred Israelis on October 7 must not be released. "There’s no doubt Hamas will demand it, but this must be Israel’s and the world’s red line," clarifies Fuzailov. "These are not just any terrorists. What they did on October 7 cannot be considered anything less than a crime against humanity, and Israel should have tried them in a dedicated tribunal. It’s important that we bring all our brothers held captive back home, but there’s a line that must not be crossed."
"From the start, I thought they should all be sentenced to death," says Fuzailov. "It doesn’t have to be carried out immediately—in the U.S., there are prisoners who have been waiting over 20 years for their execution. But it would give us more bargaining chips in negotiations. Releasing the Nukhba terrorists would turn the hourglass until the next time. I’m sure they’ll try again—it’s their dream, they can’t let it go."
As for the serious terrorists who were sent to long years behind bars, the former Shin Bet official draws a bright red line: the release of Palestinian leaders who spoke of peace with Israel while preparing for war. "Leaders who signed peace agreements with us and were involved in negotiations, and betrayed the trust we placed in them—they must not be released," he states. "Otherwise, everyone will learn that they can talk nicely to us and hit us at the first opportunity."
The most prominent of these is Barghouti, who was once considered a vocal supporter of the Oslo Accords but behind the scenes planned the Second Intifada. With the outbreak of the violent uprising, he became a leader of the armed struggle and headed the Tanzim—the armed wing of Fatah responsible for many attacks. After his arrest, in a conversation with an undercover agent in prison, he admitted that the Intifada had actually been planned for a long time, and that Ariel Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount was merely "the straw that broke the camel’s back." It’s no wonder Israel refused to include him in the current deal.
**"The urgent need to bring the hostages home stands above all doubt, but the heavy price of releasing thousands of murderers requires a sober look at what’s happening on the ground."**
After the October 7 massacre, answers like "the security system will know how to handle it" no longer satisfy the public, and even answers of "there’s no choice" sound preferable. What is clear is that senior officials in the system are no longer deluding themselves—the question is not if they will return to terrorism, but when and how. link
Northern Israel - Lebanon/Hizbollah/Syria
- Lebanon seizes $2.5 million bound for Hezbollah, sources say
Lebanon’s Beirut airport authorities seize $2.5 million in cash destined for terror group Hezbollah, concealed with a man arriving from Turkey, three sources say.
One of the sources says it is the first time such a seizure has been made. There is no immediate comment from Hezbollah.
- Lebanon PM says he will demand Israeli troops withdraw from ‘the so-called five points’.
Lebanese army officer shows Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam an Israeli military position on the horizon, in the southern village of Khiam, February 28, 2025. (Rabih DAHER / AFP).
Lebanon’s new prime minister, Nawaf Salam, uses a tour of areas near the border with Israel to demand a full Israeli withdrawal and to promise residents of border villages a safe return to their homes and reconstruction.
“This is the first real working day of the government. We salute the army and its martyrs,” Salam says in the southern port city of Tyre while meeting residents of the border village of Dheira. “We promise you a safe return to your homes as soon as possible.”
The government is committed to the reconstruction of destroyed homes, which “is not a promise but a personal commitment by myself and the government,” Salam adds.
Israel withdrew its troops from most of the border area earlier this month, but left soldiers at what it said were five key posts inside Lebanon, in what Lebanese officials called a violation of the US-brokered ceasefire that came into effect on November 27.
Salam says his government is gathering Arab and international support in order “to force the enemy to withdraw from our occupied lands and the so-called five points.”
“There is no real and lasting stability without full Israeli withdrawal,” he says.
- Lebanon’s president says state must have control over ‘decisions of war and peace’
Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun says the Lebanese state must have control over “the decisions of war and peace,” and to do this, it must “monopolize or restrict weapons to the state.”
Auon tells London-based Arabic newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat that “It is no longer allowed for anyone other than the state to fulfill its national duty in protecting the land and the people… When there is an aggression against the Lebanese state, the state makes the decision, and it determines how to mobilize forces to defend the country.”
Auon says Beirut is fully committed to implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which would ban Hezbollah’s presence in south Lebanon.
“We are tired of war,” he says. “We hope to end military conflicts and resolve our problems through diplomatic efforts.”
Auon also criticizes Israel for failing to withdraw fully from south Lebanon, maintaining forces in five key strategic positions.
“We were not surprised… because you always expect the worst from them,” he says. But “there was an agreement signed by the two parties under American and French sponsorship that was supposed to be adhered to, and the signature had to be respected.”
However, he says, “As usual, the Israeli side did not abide by the agreement and some of it remained there. Now we are in constant contact with the French and the Americans to pressure the Israelis to withdraw from the five points.”
He further argues those points “have no military value,” as drone and satellite technology make holding on to high-altitude observation points unnecessary.
Lebanon’s Beirut airport authorities seize $2.5 million in cash destined for terror group Hezbollah, concealed with a man arriving from Turkey, three sources say.
One of the sources says it is the first time such a seizure has been made. There is no immediate comment from Hezbollah.
Lebanon’s new prime minister, Nawaf Salam, uses a tour of areas near the border with Israel to demand a full Israeli withdrawal and to promise residents of border villages a safe return to their homes and reconstruction.
“This is the first real working day of the government. We salute the army and its martyrs,” Salam says in the southern port city of Tyre while meeting residents of the border village of Dheira. “We promise you a safe return to your homes as soon as possible.”
The government is committed to the reconstruction of destroyed homes, which “is not a promise but a personal commitment by myself and the government,” Salam adds.
Israel withdrew its troops from most of the border area earlier this month, but left soldiers at what it said were five key posts inside Lebanon, in what Lebanese officials called a violation of the US-brokered ceasefire that came into effect on November 27.
Salam says his government is gathering Arab and international support in order “to force the enemy to withdraw from our occupied lands and the so-called five points.”
“There is no real and lasting stability without full Israeli withdrawal,” he says.
Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun says the Lebanese state must have control over “the decisions of war and peace,” and to do this, it must “monopolize or restrict weapons to the state.”
Auon tells London-based Arabic newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat that “It is no longer allowed for anyone other than the state to fulfill its national duty in protecting the land and the people… When there is an aggression against the Lebanese state, the state makes the decision, and it determines how to mobilize forces to defend the country.”
Auon says Beirut is fully committed to implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which would ban Hezbollah’s presence in south Lebanon.
“We are tired of war,” he says. “We hope to end military conflicts and resolve our problems through diplomatic efforts.”
Auon also criticizes Israel for failing to withdraw fully from south Lebanon, maintaining forces in five key strategic positions.
“We were not surprised… because you always expect the worst from them,” he says. But “there was an agreement signed by the two parties under American and French sponsorship that was supposed to be adhered to, and the signature had to be respected.”
However, he says, “As usual, the Israeli side did not abide by the agreement and some of it remained there. Now we are in constant contact with the French and the Americans to pressure the Israelis to withdraw from the five points.”
He further argues those points “have no military value,” as drone and satellite technology make holding on to high-altitude observation points unnecessary.
West Bank and Jerusalem and Terror attacks within Israel
Politics and the War (general news)
- US announces $3 billion in pending arms sales to Israel, including armored bulldozers
The US State Department has told Congress that it plans to sell nearly $3 billion in weapons to Israel, including thousands of bombs and $295 million worth of armored bulldozers.
According to the State Department, three separate sales were sent to Congress for approval.
One is for $2.04 billion for 35,529 MK 84 or BLU-117 heavy bombs and 4,000 I-2000 Penetrator warheads. Deliveries are expected next year.
The second is $675.7 million for 201 MK 83 1,000-pound bombs, 4,799 BLU-110A/B 1,000-pound bombs, and 5,000 JDAM guidance kits. Deliveries are expected in 2028.
The third sale, estimated at $295 million, includes D9 Caterpillar bulldozers and related equipment. The deliveries of the bulldozers, which the Israeli military uses, are expected to begin in 2027.
In November it was reported that the former US administration was holding up the sale of the D9 bulldozers over the use of the machinery to destroy homes in the Gaza Strip, which the IDF says are used by Hamas.
The proposed sales “will improve Israel’s capability to meet current and future threats, strengthen its homeland defense, and serve as a deterrent to regional threats,” the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency says in a statement.
- US announces $3 billion in pending arms sales to Israel, including armored bulldozers
The US State Department has told Congress that it plans to sell nearly $3 billion in weapons to Israel, including thousands of bombs and $295 million worth of armored bulldozers.
According to the State Department, three separate sales were sent to Congress for approval.
One is for $2.04 billion for 35,529 MK 84 or BLU-117 heavy bombs and 4,000 I-2000 Penetrator warheads. Deliveries are expected next year.
The second is $675.7 million for 201 MK 83 1,000-pound bombs, 4,799 BLU-110A/B 1,000-pound bombs, and 5,000 JDAM guidance kits. Deliveries are expected in 2028.
The third sale, estimated at $295 million, includes D9 Caterpillar bulldozers and related equipment. The deliveries of the bulldozers, which the Israeli military uses, are expected to begin in 2027.
In November it was reported that the former US administration was holding up the sale of the D9 bulldozers over the use of the machinery to destroy homes in the Gaza Strip, which the IDF says are used by Hamas.
The proposed sales “will improve Israel’s capability to meet current and future threats, strengthen its homeland defense, and serve as a deterrent to regional threats,” the US Defense Security Cooperation Agency says in a statement.
The Region and the World
- BBC may be investigated by police over Hamas involvement in Gaza documentary
The BBC may be investigated by British counterterrorism police over whether it paid money to terror group Hamas, after it was revealed that the narrator for a recent documentary about the war in Gaza was the son of a Hamas minister.
“Officers from the Met’s Counter Terrorism Command are currently assessing whether any police action is required in relation to this matter,” a spokesman tells The Times.
After pulling the documentary from streaming and acknowledging “serious flaws” in its conduct, the BBC has admitted that some money was paid to the boy’s family. According to The Times, this is thought to be a few hundred pounds.
The network is now conducting a review of the case and the behavior of production company Hoyo Films. The British government has also demanded accountability from the broadcaster.
Personal Stories **"He couldn’t get into bed with his wife—it triggered anxiety."**
They returned from reserve duty and discovered that their lives had changed: many young people struggle to return to their routines, with the echoes of explosions and the difficult sights still etched in their minds. The soldier who "stayed up to guard the house" instead of going to sleep, his friend who forgot how to shop, and the one who "explodes at the kids": how do you break the cycle of shame? A new initiative allows them to unload what they’ve been through—and figure out how to stand on their own two feet without army boots.
"In the house we were staying in Gaza, a squad surprised us," recalls Tal Ben Ari, reflecting on a moment from his reserve service. "My soldier, who was on guard duty at the time, did his job faithfully and prevented an infiltration into the outpost. Our platoon handled the incident, and my soldiers took up positions. The entire squad was eliminated within four minutes. Since I was the most senior officer there, I was the first to reach him right after the battle ended because I saw him lying on the floor."
Ben Ari, a 25-year-old resident of Nof HaGalil, is a platoon commander in the reserves. He was the first to reach that soldier, but it was already too late: Sergeant Major (res.) Yaniv Itzhak Oren, z"l, fell in that incident. 
Yaniv Oren z"l
"Being the commander of a 36-year-old guy who was killed, when you’re 25, is pretty messed up," he says. "Like, what’s my place coming to the shiva to comfort when I’m such a young kid? He has friends from the reserves who’ve been with him for 16 years. And me, who am I anyway?"
"I can’t say I feel guilty because we functioned well. The terrorists simply found the weak point, and there’s a full investigation about it," Ben Ari adds. "I had to stay after this incident and function—the platoon had to keep fighting for another two and a half weeks and do more than we had done until then. The tension we were under takes a long time to dissipate, and it hasn’t gone away yet."
**The day after reserve duty**
"Tension we were under takes a long time to dissipate, and it hasn’t gone away yet." — Tal Ben Ari
Even with traumas less severe than Ben Ari’s, the transition between life in active combat and civilian life—a transition that has become more frequent for many of us lately—comes with burdens that are too heavy, too jarring. For those who haven’t experienced it, it’s hard to understand: "Part of the problem is that we don’t have a word in between 'okay' and 'PTSD.' It’s not on one continuum," Ben Ari diagnoses. "For me, I’m 'post' in the sense of 'after a traumatic experience,' and I also have some PTSD symptoms. But I’m not 'post-traumatic' in the way people imagine it."
**"Grief passed me by"**
"The difficulties are mainly in the initial stages of returning from each round, especially the first one. It had a significant impact, being exposed to and seeing death and destruction on a large scale," Ben Ari explains. "For me personally, it led to losing a lot of hope in the world, or at least making it harder for me at first to see the world as a positive place again, and mostly it led to a lot of apathy when returning home or a kind of serious emotional numbness. Suddenly, you feel like everything in life is experienced on low heat."
According to Ben Ari, "Some of it dissipates, but there are things that don’t fully go away. And so it turns out that you’re less excited, less happy, and also less sad and angry. You’re left with the more survivalist things: 'I’m tired,' 'I’m hungry,' 'I’m irritable.' On the other hand, sometimes it manifests in a kind of crazy joy. There are a few classic things—for example, just expecting people around you to have some kind of superhuman ability that you expect in the army, which translates into a lack of sensitivity toward others. You perceive the situation as if everyone around you is a soldier and everyone needs to be at the top of their operational ability, and you don’t understand why people aren’t as mission-oriented as you."
"We talk about experiences that people have gone through, formative and difficult experiences and they have no one to share." "The day after" group in Haifa
**"Last February, just before the second round, my father passed away after battling cancer. I was there taking care of him, I was there when he died, at the funeral and the shiva, I even got released from half of the round. But the apathy remained there too. I think only now, after a year, am I starting to address it. The reserves and the rounds didn’t give space for that, for grieving my dad. It passed me by."**
**The barrier that needs to be broken: "We’ve seen it works"**
"The problem is that it doesn’t even cross people’s minds that they need help," says Elkana Steinmetz. "If the army offers a workshop on processing combat experiences at some hotel somewhere, then cool, you can knock back a few drinks and hang out with the guys. 'But to go on my own initiative? What will people say? They’ll say I’m needy'—that’s a barrier that 90% of people have, and if we can break that barrier, we’ll change the rules of the game in Israel."
The shame Steinmetz is talking about is probably the biggest challenge he and his partners in the "The Day After" initiative face. Established about a year ago, the initiative aims to help soldiers who’ve been released from reserve duty and are struggling to reintegrate into civilian life. Later, the activity expanded to include the spouses of soldiers, and since then, the initiative has been running support groups in five different locations across the country: Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Haifa, Be’er Sheva, and Herzliya.
"We built a format and opened the first group in Jerusalem," recalls Roni Meisels, a social worker and one of Steinmetz’s partners in establishing the initiative. "The municipality gave us keys to a place and said, 'Take some snacks.' For this first group, 80 guys signed up. That’s how we got started in March. We saw more and more guys coming, and that this thing works. We did this kind of 'subversive' advertising, word of mouth. More people signed up, and we said, 'Okay, there’s a need for this, we’re not living in a movie.' Suddenly, there are four groups operating in parallel, and there’s a format, a protocol, and facilitators for the groups." Later, as mentioned, more municipalities and donors—including private individuals and philanthropic foundations—joined, and now the project is active in five locations.
"Return and don't recognize the child"**"They experience alienation, loneliness, lack of motivation, difficulty concentrating, physical arousal, sleep difficulties, and irritability," details Tzachi Cohen, a psychologist and former mental health officer in the reserves, also one of the initiative’s founders. "Some people walk around with loops of thoughts about events they’ve been through. Some people experience difficulties with intimacy and relationships. The whole story of rebuilding the relationship with your spouse, or with people close to you—it’s very, very hard. There’s something about intense military service that disconnects you from your emotions, and then you come back and have to reconnect. It’s also terribly hard to be in an intimate relationship."**
"Suddenly, they also have time to realize what they’ve lost. These can be real losses of people close to them who’ve fallen, but also losses of time: I wasn’t at work, or with my kids. Suddenly, I come back, and I don’t recognize the child. I wasn’t here, involved, so maybe they don’t need me at all?"
"The other thing is a kind of feeling of stagnation, which manifests in functional difficulties—I don’t have anything to kickstart in my life now because I might get the next phone call that will change my life," Cohen says. "That’s mainly what comes up in the groups. Beyond that, there’s also an engagement with the experiences people have been through, which are formative, difficult experiences, and they have no one to share them with. They don’t feel like anyone can understand them."
**"It ends up affecting the kids"**
"With spouses, you also identify a sense of loneliness and alienation. The difficulties there don’t start only when the spouse leaves. When they come back, that’s when the difficulties begin, because you have to bridge all the gaps," Cohen explains. "When two people have gone through something very difficult separately and weren’t there for each other, and then suddenly they’re together, what do you do with that, and how do you communicate about it? With spouses, we also saw a decline in functioning and difficulties with stress and anxiety—fear of the phone call that might come or the knock on the door."
"We had a participant who, every evening when he came to bed with his wife, couldn’t explain why he couldn’t do it, because his whole body was tense, and he couldn’t sleep. It triggered anxiety in him, and he couldn’t talk to her about it at all. Now try explaining to her that he doesn’t want to sleep because he wants to guard the house for a moment," he shares.
"It might sound like we’re talking about people with PTSD. But these are people coming back from that experience like this—their brains and bodies are now wired to detect danger. They’re not available at all for intimate communication. Or a guy sitting down to play with his kids and seeing that the house is a mess—he doesn’t have the mental bandwidth to sit with them and be with them calmly without things ticking him off. It makes him irritable, and it ends up affecting the kids."
**"It starts to shake something in your identity"**
It’s evening at a high school in Haifa. They come here from all over the north of the country, some still with their weapons, the experience of combat evident in many of the casual conversations happening around the coffee machine. Some are quite embarrassed, others are very sociable, enjoying the opportunity to mingle a bit and the chance to meet people who’ve been through similar experiences—people who will understand the stories accumulated over long months of reserve duty.
After enjoying the snacks, it’s time to split into rooms. In some rooms, there are groups for spouses; in most rooms, the released soldiers themselves sit—up to 12 people in a group—for eight weekly meetings. In the group I joined, only five of the 12 showed up tonight, one of whom asked to remain anonymous. The shame talked about earlier is indeed very present.
When sitting down with the four brave ones who are willing to expose themselves anyway, a question arises: Why is this even necessary? According to Ohad Ben Menachem, a social worker and the facilitator of this specific group, the core of the issue is first and foremost about identity. And identity, he explains, isn’t just a feeling—it’s also a vital component in the ability to lead normal daily lives, especially in a crazy time like the current one.
"If you come home and can’t function at work, you ask yourself, 'Wait, maybe I was never a good engineer? If I come back now and don’t know what to do, maybe I was always a bad engineer?'" Ben Menachem says. "I come home, and I don’t know how to be a father to my kids and suddenly explode at them. In some groups, things related to impotence and functioning in bed have come up. These lives—between the army and civilian life—start to shake something in your identity, beyond whether you’re a soldier or a civilian, but also what kind of civilian you are."
**"For the first time, we managed to share combat experiences"**
"The routine life of reserves before the war was 'I’m upset about the training,' 'I’m upset about the battalion commander,' 'I love the battalion commander.' Here, the experiences are a bit different; people here have mostly experienced the death or injury of a friend and very, very tactical events, meaning very specific and focused," testifies Sheli Pina, a 29-year-old from Kiryat Haim, a tattoo artist and graphic designer serving as an operations officer (Kamatz) in the 401st Armored Brigade. Like all the group members, he’s also already accumulated over 300 days of reserve duty since the war began. "In my opinion, the very act of sharing opened a different door here, something you couldn’t do at home with your wife or family. And often not within the unit either, because within the unit, we’ve already said it—everyone’s macho, and no one’s struggling."
What’s more dominant—venting military experiences or the desire to rebuild the civilian persona? "From week to week, we update each other on how we’re doing, and occasionally we delve into someone’s day-to-day and why what I’m describing about my day-to-day is relevant to everyone," Ben Ari explains. "But there’s not much focus on the routine of the army, how many reserve days each person has done, or which unit exactly they serve in. There’s almost no military talk."
"One of the strongest things here, and we mainly focused on them in the earlier meetings, is that for the first time, we managed to share specific combat experiences," Pina remarks. "We got into the smallest details, the kind that don’t interest anyone, and shared them here because only here did people understand. Tal brought a micro-micro-tactical story of what he did as a platoon commander in an incident, which only we understood. And everyone here processed combat experiences, very, very specific ones. This meeting also gave him the understanding and containment at the very specific and precise military level, and afterward, the containment of how to take this event into civilian life, how it affects and to what extent, and where it leads."
**"In the first month after the last round, I couldn’t cook, I couldn’t prepare food for myself." — Matan Ben Yosef**
**"Commitment to the army has changed over the course of the war"**
Another issue that comes up for discussion, if we focus for a moment on the practical and less on the emotional, is the issue of concentration. Or rather, the lack of it. "When I came home, the issue of awareness caught me in the small things," notes Matan Ben Yosef, one of the group participants. "For example, it’s really hard for me to choose what to wear. Or that I need to pay for coffee now, things like that. And it’s suddenly really strange that it needs to happen. But where did I feel it the most? And the penny dropped for me here in the group—with shopping. In the first month after the last round, I couldn’t cook, I couldn’t prepare food for myself. Before, I used to cook great, and I couldn’t prepare food. I was in front of the fridge, opening and closing it, and ordering food. And after about a month here in the group, I realized that when I go to the supermarket, I’m not focused, I can’t understand what’s going on, and I just buy nonsense, things that don’t go together. I realized I’m not organized, my head is in a thousand places, and I can’t buy things that can be combined into a meal."
"As a teacher, you always encounter issues of attention and concentration. But I myself am the most focused person in the world," notes a group member who chose not to share his name. He works as a teacher. "I walk into a math class, bring a question, copy it to the board, let the students solve it—and they say something’s missing here. Wow, I look at the question—they’re right, I fix it. And then they say, 'No, no, something’s still missing here.' And the situation repeats itself in the same class with the same exercise three times. This never happened to me once in my life, and now it’s happened three times in the same place. There was also my daughter’s birthday, and my wife asked me to bring two things: our daughter and some bag she left for me. I didn’t bring the bag."
**The day after the weekly meeting at the high school in Haifa, Ben Ari received another call-up order, the third one. If last time his motivation level was at 70%, now he has to admit it’s dropped to 30%. A quick round reveals that most of the attendees feel the same way. "I want to say that maybe it’s not a matter of motivation, but rather commitment, and that’s also changed over the course of the war," Pina says. "Like, at first, you feel committed to values, to the country, to the army, to the big things, to the ethos we all grew up on, and today I don’t feel committed to any of those things except the people. Just the people. The only thing keeping me in the reserves now is the people with me. I fight because there are other people fighting with me, because there are soldiers I’m fighting for, and hostages, of course. But it’s no longer the big army and those values. It no longer holds water."**
"Let’s say that overall, what’s holding it together is solidarity and the feeling that over time, they’re playing you just on that," Ben Ari agrees. "I only care about the soldiers I need to bring and the ones I’m replacing, because otherwise, they won’t be replaced. It’s no longer clear what’s an emergency and what’s not, and this unclosed contract of what reserves are is starting to be breached. I’m going back to the same place for the third time, so what’s changed since last year?"
The BBC may be investigated by British counterterrorism police over whether it paid money to terror group Hamas, after it was revealed that the narrator for a recent documentary about the war in Gaza was the son of a Hamas minister.
“Officers from the Met’s Counter Terrorism Command are currently assessing whether any police action is required in relation to this matter,” a spokesman tells The Times.
After pulling the documentary from streaming and acknowledging “serious flaws” in its conduct, the BBC has admitted that some money was paid to the boy’s family. According to The Times, this is thought to be a few hundred pounds.
The network is now conducting a review of the case and the behavior of production company Hoyo Films. The British government has also demanded accountability from the broadcaster.
Yaniv Oren z"l
"Return and don't recognize the child"
59 Hostages Remain in Gaza - Their Stories (5 a day)
**Matan Angrest** Age 22, Kiryat Bialik 
Matan was kidnapped from the tank he was fighting in on October 7. All his tank crew members were murdered. On September 14, 2024, his family released an audio recording distributed by Hamas, in which he is heard saying: "Netanyahu, you must, must make this exchange—between the prisoners in Israel and the prisoners here (in Gaza). I really want to see my family and friends. This is very important, and I think you are capable of it—you just need to want it. I trust you; you can do this, and I hope it happens as soon as possible." Matan is a devoted fan of Maccabi Haifa and has three younger brothers: Adi, Ofir, and Roy.
**Eitan Mor** Age 24, Kiryat Arba 
Eitan came to the party in Re'im as a security guard. His parents, who are Sabbath observers, had no idea he was at the party. On the morning of the event, he spoke with his uncle. According to the last testimony about him, he was seen moving the bodies of two young women to a safe place. His father, Zvika, who attended the first meeting between Netanyahu and the families of the hostages, said he opposes a prisoner exchange deal that would lead to the release of terrorists.
**Bipin Joshi** Age 24, Nepal 
Bipin is a Nepalese citizen. He arrived at Kibbutz Alumim for an agricultural internship about three weeks before being kidnapped to Gaza. He hid in a shelter with 16 other students, at least 10 of whom were murdered on the spot. Bipin deflected one of the grenades thrown at the shelter where he and his fellow Nepalese agriculture students were hiding during the massacre. The few survivors from the massacre at Alumim call him a hero and long for his return. In footage from October 7, Bipin is seen being led at gunpoint by Hamas terrorists, along with three Thai citizens, to the Shifa Hospital in Gaza.
**Idan Alexander** Age 21, New Jersey, USA 
Idan, who chose to immigrate to Israel alone and enlist in the IDF, was kidnapped from the Kissufim outpost near the Gaza border during the Hamas attack on October 7. His mother, Yael, arrived in Israel exactly one week before the kidnapping, and they managed to spend only a few days together. When the sirens began, he called to reassure her, but later, contact with him was lost. His parents, Yael and Adi, and his two younger brothers live in Tenafly, New Jersey, and await his return. On November 30, 2024, Hamas released a psychological warfare video containing a sign of life from Idan. In the video, he tells his family, "I miss you all so much. Every day I pray that I will see you soon. Please stay strong. It's only a matter of time before this nightmare ends."
**Elkana Bohbot** Age 35, Mevaseret Zion 
Elkana, who was actively involved in organizing the festival in Re'im, was kidnapped from the party. He sent his wife, Rebecca, a message saying there was gunfire and that he was helping evacuate people. At 8 a.m., he spoke with his parents and said everything was fine. He was seen in a Hamas video, bound and terrified on the floor, along with other hostages. His childhood friends, the brothers Osher and Michael Weksnain, were murdered. He is married and the father of a 3-year-old son. Elkana was active in the party scene, building stages for massive events like Uman 17, and worked for a production company.
Acronyms and Glossary
ICC - International Criminal Court in the Hague
IJC - International Court of Justice in the Hague
MDA - Magen David Adom - Israel Ambulance Corp
PA - Palestinian Authority - President Mahmud Abbas, aka Abu Mazen
PMO- Prime Minister's Office
UAV - Unmanned Aerial vehicle, Drone. Could be used for surveillance and reconnaissance, or be weaponized with missiles or contain explosives for 'suicide' explosion mission
Join my Whatsapp update group https://chat.whatsapp.com/IQ3OtwE6ydxBeBAxWNziB0
Twitter - @LonnyB58 Bluesky - @lonny-b.bsky.social
Twitter - @LonnyB58
Comments
Post a Comment