π️Lonny's War Update- October 464, 2023 - January 12, 2025 π️
π️Day 464 that 100 of our hostages in Hamas captivity
**There is nothing more important than getting them home! NOTHING!**
“I’ve never met them,But I miss them. I’ve never met them,but I think of them every second. I’ve never met them,but they are my family. BRING THEM HOME NOW!!!”
We’re waiting for you, all of you.
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
There is no victory until all of the hostages are home!ΧΧΧ Χ Χ¦ΧΧΧ Χ’Χ Χ©ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧΧ€ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧͺ
Red Alerts - Missile, Rocket, Drone (UAV - unmanned aerial vehicles), and Terror Attacks and Death Announcements
*8:45am - south - Gaza Envelope - hostile aircraft - Tsohar, Ohad, Sde Nitzan, Talmei Eliyahu, Ein Basor*11:45am - North - rockets/missiles - Yiron
IDF announces 4 soldiers killed, 6 wounded during fighting in northern Gaza
Four IDF soldiers were killed and six were wounded during fighting in the northern Gaza Strip this morning, the military announces.
The slain troops are named as:
Sgt. Maj. (res.) Alexander Fedorenko, 37, a truck driver in the 14th Armored Brigade’s 79th Battalion, from Bat Yam.
Staff Sgt. Danila Diakov, 21, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Maale Adumim.
Sgt. Yahav Maayan, 19, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Modiin.
Sgt. Eliav Astuker, 19, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Ashdod.
NAY THEIR MEMORIES BE A REVOLUTION
According to an initial IDF probe, the soldiers were hit by an explosive device set off by terror operatives, as well as gunfire in northern Gaza’s Beit Hanoun.
Among the six wounded troops, two are listed in serious condition.
The IDF has intensified its offensive against Hamas in the far north of the Gaza Strip recently, in an operation that has been ongoing since October. The offensive is now focusing on the Beit Hanoun area, after raids in Jabalia and Beit Lahiya.
Four IDF soldiers were killed and six were wounded during fighting in the northern Gaza Strip this morning, the military announces.
The slain troops are named as:
Sgt. Maj. (res.) Alexander Fedorenko, 37, a truck driver in the 14th Armored Brigade’s 79th Battalion, from Bat Yam.
Staff Sgt. Danila Diakov, 21, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Maale Adumim.
Sgt. Yahav Maayan, 19, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Modiin.
Sgt. Eliav Astuker, 19, of the Nahal Brigade’s 931st Battalion, from Ashdod.
NAY THEIR MEMORIES BE A REVOLUTION
According to an initial IDF probe, the soldiers were hit by an explosive device set off by terror operatives, as well as gunfire in northern Gaza’s Beit Hanoun.
Among the six wounded troops, two are listed in serious condition.
The IDF has intensified its offensive against Hamas in the far north of the Gaza Strip recently, in an operation that has been ongoing since October. The offensive is now focusing on the Beit Hanoun area, after raids in Jabalia and Beit Lahiya.
Hostage Updates
Hostage Updates
- Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is set to meet with far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich later today amid a growing push for a potential ceasefire-hostage deal, the Walla news site reports.
A political source tells the outlet that Netanyahu is trying to assess if Smotrich would resign from the government if there were to be a deal that would see hundreds of terror convicts freed from Israeli prisons in exchange for hostages.
The report says the premier believes there’s a high probability far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir will resign from the government if there is a hostage deal, so Netanyahu is hoping to convince Smotrich to, at most, vote against an agreement without quitting the coalition.
Smotrich, a settlement advocate who is also a minister in the Defense Ministry, last week denounced the ongoing negotiations to reach a hostage-ceasefire deal with Hamas, arguing Israel would be in a stronger position in talks once US President-elect Donald Trump is back in the White House, in just over a week.
Netanyahu’s office announced yesterday evening that he had decided to send a high-level delegation to Qatar to join efforts to seal a deal with the Hamas terror group.
It is believed that 94 of the 251 hostages abducted by Hamas on October 7 remain in Gaza, including the bodies of at least 34 confirmed dead by the IDF.
Hamas released 105 civilians during a weeklong truce in late November, and four hostages were released before that. Eight hostages have been rescued by troops alive, and the bodies of 40 hostages have also been recovered, including three mistakenly killed by the Israeli military as they tried to escape their captors.
Hamas is also holding two Israeli civilians who entered the Strip in 2014 and 2015, as well as the bodies of two IDF soldiers who were killed in 2014. link This is the epitome of Netanyahu showing that everything he does, every decision he makes, every life he is willing to sacrifice, is all based on his political and personal interests above everything else.
- The Shalit deal was on the table in December 2006, half a year after Shalit was abducted. It took 5 years before Netanyahu was ready to accept it. The current deal has been on the table since May. It has taken Netanyahu months until Trump simply told him to do it. The truth is that there has been a better deal on the table since September - but that required the end of the war within 3 weeks and Netanyahu has not been prepared to end the war. Now Trump is telling him to end the war and Netanyahu has no choice. Even a bad deal is better than no deal. Instead of ending the war in 3 weeks and bringing all of the hostages home immediately, it will take longer and there will be more suffering. Caution: It is still not a done deal - but it looks very promising right now. (Gershon Baskin, January 12, 2025)
A political source tells the outlet that Netanyahu is trying to assess if Smotrich would resign from the government if there were to be a deal that would see hundreds of terror convicts freed from Israeli prisons in exchange for hostages.
The report says the premier believes there’s a high probability far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir will resign from the government if there is a hostage deal, so Netanyahu is hoping to convince Smotrich to, at most, vote against an agreement without quitting the coalition.
Smotrich, a settlement advocate who is also a minister in the Defense Ministry, last week denounced the ongoing negotiations to reach a hostage-ceasefire deal with Hamas, arguing Israel would be in a stronger position in talks once US President-elect Donald Trump is back in the White House, in just over a week.
Netanyahu’s office announced yesterday evening that he had decided to send a high-level delegation to Qatar to join efforts to seal a deal with the Hamas terror group.
It is believed that 94 of the 251 hostages abducted by Hamas on October 7 remain in Gaza, including the bodies of at least 34 confirmed dead by the IDF.
Hamas released 105 civilians during a weeklong truce in late November, and four hostages were released before that. Eight hostages have been rescued by troops alive, and the bodies of 40 hostages have also been recovered, including three mistakenly killed by the Israeli military as they tried to escape their captors.
Hamas is also holding two Israeli civilians who entered the Strip in 2014 and 2015, as well as the bodies of two IDF soldiers who were killed in 2014. link This is the epitome of Netanyahu showing that everything he does, every decision he makes, every life he is willing to sacrifice, is all based on his political and personal interests above everything else.
Netanyahu dispatches top negotiators to Qatar talks amid push to seal hostage deal
Delegation to Doha will include heads of Mossad and Shin Bet and hostage point man; Hamas sources claim ceasefire accord is ‘completed’ and awaiting Netanyahu’s final approval
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office announced Saturday evening that he had decided to send a high-level delegation to Qatar to join efforts to seal a hostage-ceasefire deal with the Hamas terror group.
The team departing Saturday night will include Mossad chief David Barnea, Shin Bet director Ron Bar, IDF hostage point man Maj. Gen. (res.) Nitzan Alon, and Netanyahu’s political advisor Ophir Falk.
The decision was made after Netanyahu held a situation assessment on the ongoing hostage talks. He was joined at the meeting by Defense Minister Israel Katz, Israel’s security chiefs, and officials from the Biden administration and incoming Trump administration. He met with Trump’s incoming US Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff in Jerusalem earlier in the day.
Hamas sources claimed Saturday that a deal had been reached and was awaiting Netanyahu’s final approval.
Channel 13 news quoted two sources involved in the negotiations as saying the move comes amid “general cautious progress” in the talks with mediators in Qatar.
A senior Israeli official told the network that Hamas has still not provided a list of living hostages to Israel.
Relatives of hostages held in Gaza protest outside the Likud Party headquarters in Tel Aviv, January 8, 2025 (Zohar Bar-Yehuda via the pro-democracy protest groups)A senior source in Hamas told the Qatari outlet Al-Araby Al-Jadeed on Saturday that the proposed deal had essentially been completed, with mediators now waiting for Netanyahu’s approval before announcing the agreement.
There was no outside confirmation of the claim.
The outlet also reported that under the deal, Israel would not fully withdraw from the Philadelphi Corridor along the Gaza-Egypt border until the last day of the agreement’s final phase, after gradually pulling out forces during earlier stages.
The source said Hamas had agreed to put off several unresolved points of contention with Israel until a later phase of the deal, if the next stages are implemented without delay and as required.
View of the Philadelphi Corridor, the Egypt-Gaza border area in southern Gaza’s Rafah, October 20, 2024. (Emanuel Fabian/Times of Israel)The source claimed Egyptian, Qatari and American mediators backed Hamas’s latest position in the negotiations.
Additionally, the source said talks were now “at the closest point [yet] to completing the agreement,” adding that Hamas and mediators were expecting a response from Israel to come on Saturday.
Israel previously maintained it would not agree to any ceasefire that would force it to end the war entirely, as the three-phase deal would ostensibly ultimately require.
The Qatari report also added that if Israel does agree to the deal, the mediating countries would hold a press conference announcing the details, timetable and start date of the agreement.
Witkoff met in Doha on Friday with Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, who briefed him on the ongoing negotiations.
The reports came after officials in Washington expressed cautious optimism on Friday about the prospects of closing a hostage-ceasefire deal in Gaza before the end of US President Joe Biden’s term.
CIA Director William Burns assessed the ongoing negotiations in Doha as “quite serious,” while White House National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby said he believes a hostage deal is possible before January 20.
Hostage families urge deal that will return all the captives, end war in Gaza
Netanyahu dispatches top negotiators to Qatar talks amid push to seal hostage deal
Delegation to Doha will include heads of Mossad and Shin Bet and hostage point man; Hamas sources claim ceasefire accord is ‘completed’ and awaiting Netanyahu’s final approval
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office announced Saturday evening that he had decided to send a high-level delegation to Qatar to join efforts to seal a hostage-ceasefire deal with the Hamas terror group.
The team departing Saturday night will include Mossad chief David Barnea, Shin Bet director Ron Bar, IDF hostage point man Maj. Gen. (res.) Nitzan Alon, and Netanyahu’s political advisor Ophir Falk.
The decision was made after Netanyahu held a situation assessment on the ongoing hostage talks. He was joined at the meeting by Defense Minister Israel Katz, Israel’s security chiefs, and officials from the Biden administration and incoming Trump administration. He met with Trump’s incoming US Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff in Jerusalem earlier in the day.
Hamas sources claimed Saturday that a deal had been reached and was awaiting Netanyahu’s final approval.
Channel 13 news quoted two sources involved in the negotiations as saying the move comes amid “general cautious progress” in the talks with mediators in Qatar.
A senior Israeli official told the network that Hamas has still not provided a list of living hostages to Israel.
A senior source in Hamas told the Qatari outlet Al-Araby Al-Jadeed on Saturday that the proposed deal had essentially been completed, with mediators now waiting for Netanyahu’s approval before announcing the agreement.
There was no outside confirmation of the claim.
The outlet also reported that under the deal, Israel would not fully withdraw from the Philadelphi Corridor along the Gaza-Egypt border until the last day of the agreement’s final phase, after gradually pulling out forces during earlier stages.
The source said Hamas had agreed to put off several unresolved points of contention with Israel until a later phase of the deal, if the next stages are implemented without delay and as required.
The source claimed Egyptian, Qatari and American mediators backed Hamas’s latest position in the negotiations.
Additionally, the source said talks were now “at the closest point [yet] to completing the agreement,” adding that Hamas and mediators were expecting a response from Israel to come on Saturday.
Israel previously maintained it would not agree to any ceasefire that would force it to end the war entirely, as the three-phase deal would ostensibly ultimately require.
The Qatari report also added that if Israel does agree to the deal, the mediating countries would hold a press conference announcing the details, timetable and start date of the agreement.
Witkoff met in Doha on Friday with Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, who briefed him on the ongoing negotiations.
The reports came after officials in Washington expressed cautious optimism on Friday about the prospects of closing a hostage-ceasefire deal in Gaza before the end of US President Joe Biden’s term.
CIA Director William Burns assessed the ongoing negotiations in Doha as “quite serious,” while White House National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby said he believes a hostage deal is possible before January 20.
Hostage families urge deal that will return all the captives, end war in Gaza
Relatives of hostages held in Gaza deliver weekly remarks to the press outside IDF headquarters in Tel Aviv, amid a push to reach a ceasefire deal for the release as a new US administration is set to take office.
“It’s clear to us at this very moment that those unwilling to end the war will try to thwart the deal. Netanyahu said the time is ripe to release everyone, but he’s refusing to do the only thing to bring them back and that’s ending the war,” says Einav Zangauker, whose son Matan was taken captive during the Hamas-led October 2023 attack that started the ongoing war.
She adds: “Imagine the moment when the end of the war and the return of all the hostages is declared. Imagine the happiness among the nation, the joy in the streets, the citizens celebrating the sanctity of life and mutual responsibility.”
Ayala Metzger, the daughter-in-law of slain hostage Yoram Metzger, urges a deal that will free the hostages and end the war.
“Instead of the hostages returning alive, we are receiving the captives in body bags. Only in Israel is total failure sold as ‘a heroic operation,'” Metzger says. “We don’t want you to send more soldiers who lose their lives while extracting bodies. We don’t want more soldiers to fall in a pointless war.”
“How much more blood must be spilled for Netanyahu’s personal interests, for messianic delusions at the expense of the the hostages and soldiers?
- Mother of captive soldier calls hostage video a testament to Netanyahu’s ‘ongoing failure’
During the weekly rally at Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square, the mother of captive surveillance soldier Liri Albag addresses Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, saying the video Hamas released last week of Liri was a “living testament to your ongoing failure.”
“Have you watched the video?” Shira Albag asks. “Did you sleep well at night?”
She says Liri does not look like herself in the video. “We saw Liri dimmed, afraid, fighting for her life every moment and every minute of the day.”
“Look at her eyes,” she says. “Eyes we know so well. Eyes that scream from inside: ‘Get me out of hell. Don’t forget me.'”
Referring to Youssef and Hamza Ziyadne, whose bodies the IDF recovered from Gaza this week 15 months after they were kidnapped alive, Shira Albag tells Netanyahu that the father and son “survived the depths of hell and were murdered because you didn’t make the right decision in time.”
She adds that hostage negotiations “must not end without a deal to bring Liri and all the hostages home.”
Again addressing Netanyahu, she says: “You have the power, you have the moral authority.”
“The time to act is now,” Shira Albag continues. “Not tomorrow, not in a week. Now!”
Speaking in English, outgoing US Ambassador to Israel Jack Lew tells the hundreds-strong crowd that “we join you in the hope that the talks in Doha succeed.”
“The United States demands the release of seven of our hostages, four of whom we know to be dead — now!” Lew declares, saying the last word in Hebrew to applause.
“There could a ceasefire tomorrow, and an end to the suffering of Gazans, if Hamas releases the hostages,” adds Lew.
British Ambassador Simon Walters also speaks, but in Hebrew, drawing on his childhood in war-torn northern Ireland as an example of the sacrifices needed to make peace.
“Every step toward peace was very painful, but that is the only way,” he says.
“Hamas is fully responsible for these crimes, but practically, we know the only way to bring the hostages home is through negotiations,” he says.
Also in Hebrew, German Ambassador Steffen Seibert pledges his government’s support for the hostages.
He calls for an end to the “indescribable suffering of hundreds of thousands of Gazans.”
“I know this is not a popular thing to say” to some in Israel, Seibert says. “But these tragedies are linked.”
- Tel Aviv police scuffle with demonstrators after declaring rally outside army HQ is illegal
- Former PA minister: 1st stage of hostage deal would free 25 Israelis in exchange for 1,248 Palestinian prisoners
The first stage of a potential hostage-ceasefire deal with Hamas will entail the release of 25 Israeli hostages in exchange for 48 Palestinian security prisoners who were freed in the Shalit deal in 2011 and incarcerated again since, along with 200 prisoners serving life sentences, and another 1,000 detainees including women, children and wounded prisoners, according to a Palestinian prisoner advocacy group.
In a rare interview with Ramallah’s Maan news agency, Prisoners Club director Qadura Fares adds that all of the Palestinian prisoners would be allowed to return to their homes in East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank, except those serving life sentences, who would most likely be deported to either Qatar, Egypt or Turkey.
The former PA minister notes that this exception is necessary for the protection of the Palestinian prisoners against Israeli assassination attempts.
The Prisoners Club is a Palestinian organization that advocates on behalf of Palestinians in Israeli jails. While the organization used to be financially supported by the Palestinian Authority, Ramallah has reportedly ceased funding the body for at least five years.
Fares is also quoted by Maan as saying that Israel has been pushing for nine more hostages to be released in the first phase, including wounded IDF soldiers, in exchange for a yet-to-be-negotiated number of Palestinian prisoners serving life sentences.
The comments come amid reports of progress in ongoing talks in Doha to seal a hostage-ceasefire deal before US President-elect Donald Trump takes office next week.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sent a high-level Israeli delegation to Qatar last night to join the talks. link Everything in this article is pure speculation. There have been no official announcements by any of the negotiating teams about anything reported above. Until a deal is made, everything is spins and speculation.
Tel Aviv police push anti-government, pro-hostage deal protesters to the sidewalk outside the Begin Road entrance to the IDF headquarters after declaring the demonstration illegal.
Protesters initially ignored police orders, triggering a large shoving match between activists and law enforcement that saw officers drag away at least two people.
Amid the kerfuffle, protesters chant “Ben Gvir is a terrorist,” referring to the far-right national security minister’s convictions on charges of supporting a terror organization and incitement to racism.
Police remove roadblocks and order a resumption of traffic as officers form a human wall in front of the sidewalk to stop protesters from going back on the road.
Some 200 protesters remain from what has been a demonstration of around 1,0000 people that features speeches from several relatives of Hamas hostages.
Former captive Ilana Gritzewsky, whose boyfriend Matan Zangauker is still a hostage, tells the crowd that she’s “lost everything, but I’m here fighting even when it feels impossible.”
“I fight so our soldiers won’t die,” she says, and for “a deal, an end to the war and to revive our nation.”
“Being in Hamas captivity is to reach the depths of fear and humiliation,” she says, adding that she sometimes wakes up screaming from nightmares.
“My greatest fear is not what was, but what will be,” she says. “My fear is that Matan and the other hostages won’t come back to us and my nightmares will be their reality.”
Shai Mozes, nephew of hostage Gadi Mozes and ex-captive Margalit Mozes, says “support for the fight to bring back the hostages should be self-evident.”
However, he continues, “there are people in the State of Israel who fight us and smear us as enemies of the state. We won’t forget them, and won’t forgive.”
“It’s been a year already that considerations such as revenge, settlement and political survival have gained the upper hand over what should be the only consideration — saving the life of Israeli citizens.”
“Military pressure kills the hostages. Withholding humanitarian aid starves the hostages,” he says.
“The only way to bring back all the hostages — the living for rehabilitation, the murdered foe burial — is to end the war,” says Mozes.
Gaza and the South
Northern Israel - Lebanon/Hizbollah/Syria
- IDF says drone strike ‘removed threat’ from Hezbollah operatives in southern Lebanon
The IDF says it carried out a drone strike earlier today in southern Lebanon after spotting several Hezbollah operatives leaving a building known to be used by the terror group.
The strike hit the operatives “to remove a threat,” the military says.
According to Lebanese media, the strike was carried out in the village of Kounine. Lebanon’s health ministry reports two wounded in the strike.
- IDF says drone strike ‘removed threat’ from Hezbollah operatives in southern Lebanon
The IDF says it carried out a drone strike earlier today in southern Lebanon after spotting several Hezbollah operatives leaving a building known to be used by the terror group.
The strike hit the operatives “to remove a threat,” the military says.
According to Lebanese media, the strike was carried out in the village of Kounine. Lebanon’s health ministry reports two wounded in the strike.
West Bank and Jerusalem and Terror attacks within Israel
- Fatah vows not to let Hamas ‘replicate its actions’ in West Bank, slams Iran
Palestinians hold yellow Fatah movement flags as they demonstrate in support of the Palestinian security forces in the Jenin refugee camp in the northern West Bank, December 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
Palestinians hold yellow Fatah movement flags as they demonstrate in support of the Palestinian security forces in the Jenin refugee camp in the northern West Bank, December 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah party issues a rare statement vowing not to “allow Hamas, which sacrificed the interests of the Palestinian people for Iran and caused destruction in the Gaza Strip, to replicate its actions in the West Bank.”
The statement comes as Fatah seeks to rally public opinion in support of its ongoing security operation in the Jenin refugee camp targeting Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and other armed terror groups who have gradually gained prominence in the northern West Bank.
The statement notably calls out not just Hamas, but also Iran, which Fatah accuses of bankrolling the various armed groups throughout the West Bank, particularly the so-called Jenin Brigade.
Fatah tears into Hamas’s decision to launch a war against Israel with its October 7 onslaught, which Abbas’s party says has led to the death or injury of over 200,000 Palestinians and “catastrophic conditions” in the Gaza Strip.
“Hamas is now attempting to stir security chaos in the West Bank, thereby continuing its policy that brought disaster upon the Palestinian people,” Fatah says, appearing to again reject Hamas’s strategy of armed conflict with Israel.
Several said hurt in settler attack on Palestinian town in West Bank
Palestinian Authority’s Wafa news agency reports several injuries after dozens of masked settlers allegedly attacked residents and property in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya.
There is no immediate comment from the IDF, which Army Radio reports dispatched troops to the scene to end rock-throwing between the sides.
Two Palestinian gunmen arrested last night en route to carry out shooting attack — security forces
Two Palestinian gunmen who were en route to carrying out an imminent shooting attack were detained by Israeli forces in the West Bank city of Nablus last night, defense authorities say.
Members of the police’s Yamam counterterrorism unit and the Shin Bet security agency stopped the gunmen while they were driving to carry out the attack.
Police, IDF, and Shin Bet in a joint statement say that the gunmen were detained with two loaded M16 assault rifles, vests, face masks, and ammunition.
Weapons found on two Palestinian gunmen who were allegedly heading to carry out a shooting in the West Bank, January 11, 2025. (Israel Police)The pair are identified by the Shin Bet as Ahmed Zakarna, 21, and Tariq Abu Ziyad, 25, residents of Qabatiya and members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad terror group.
In their initial interrogation by the Shin Bet, the pair said they set out from Jenin and were en route to carry out a shooting, the statement says.
Several said hurt in settler attack on Palestinian town in West Bank
Palestinian Authority’s Wafa news agency reports several injuries after dozens of masked settlers allegedly attacked residents and property in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya.
There is no immediate comment from the IDF, which Army Radio reports dispatched troops to the scene to end rock-throwing between the sides.
Two Palestinian gunmen arrested last night en route to carry out shooting attack — security forces
Two Palestinian gunmen who were en route to carrying out an imminent shooting attack were detained by Israeli forces in the West Bank city of Nablus last night, defense authorities say.
Members of the police’s Yamam counterterrorism unit and the Shin Bet security agency stopped the gunmen while they were driving to carry out the attack.
Police, IDF, and Shin Bet in a joint statement say that the gunmen were detained with two loaded M16 assault rifles, vests, face masks, and ammunition.
The pair are identified by the Shin Bet as Ahmed Zakarna, 21, and Tariq Abu Ziyad, 25, residents of Qabatiya and members of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad terror group.
In their initial interrogation by the Shin Bet, the pair said they set out from Jenin and were en route to carry out a shooting, the statement says.
Politics and the War (general news)
Legal scholar tells Tel Aviv rally that proposed changes will make judiciary ‘a little Knesset’
Legal scholar Barak Medina tells some 1,000 anti-government protesters in Tel Aviv that the agreement reached this week between Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar regarding changes to the Judicial Selection Committee will “destroy the judiciary as an independent branch of government,” making it “nothing more than a little Knesset” in which judges are appointed for their political positions.
It may not have been a coincidence, he asserts, that Levin and Sa’ar’s ceremonious announcement of the agreement Thursday coincided with the eve of the Tenth of Tevet, a Jewish fast day marking the start of the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem that led to the destruction of the First Temple in the sixth century BCE.
Medina is a former Hebrew University rector now representing 112 hostage relatives in a petition to the High Court accusing the government of denying the captives’ basic rights by failing to secure their release. Speaking at Tel Aviv’s Begin-Kaplan Junction, also known as Democracy Square, he says “the High Court is almost the last remaining recourse for the hostages” and their families, citing “the petition to make [the court] order the government to explain the abandonment” of the hostages.
He says the government has no mandate to overhaul the judiciary and should devote its time only to ending the war in Gaza, pulling out of the Strip and bringing back the hostages.
Limor Livnat, a stalwart-turned-critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, also slams the Sa’ar and Levin agreement.
“How wonderful,” she says acidly. “The coalition is able to agree with itself. They may yet agree to cancel the elections.”
Reading out a litany of provocative statements by Likud ministers this week, the ex-minister says “no ministers are dealing with their offices’ affairs, the cost of living is soaring and 80,000 citizens have left the country — doctors and tech workers.”
“And we haven’t even said a word about the convicted felon who is making a mockery of Netantahu and all of us, [National Security Minister] Itamar Ben Gvir.”
“[Former Prime Ministers] Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir — the fathers of the party I grew up in, which I served my entire life to better the country and its citizens — are turning in their graves,” Livnat adds.
“Better days are coming,” she continues.”We’re not going anywhere — we’re going to win.”
The Democracy Square rally features singer Dana Berger performing her aptly named 1998 hit “Waiting for Him.” She says the previous time she performed there was during the last weekend of anti-government protests before Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, sparking the war in Gaza.
The rally ends in time for participants to join anti-government hostage families protesting for a hostage deal down the block, in front of the Begin Road entrance to IDF headquarters. In tandem, the Hostage and Missing Families Forum holds a rally at Hostages Square, a block away.
An excellent indepth interview with former Likud Politician and Israel's President Ruby Rivlin
You know what they'll say – that you were a revisionist who joined the left.
"Netanyahu said that about me even before I was elected president, and he even had the audacity to claim he supported me."
Reuven Rivlin like we’ve never heard him before:
Laying out his vision for a Jewish-Arab political party and an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would transform Israel’s character, calling for elections, and speaking with unprecedented openness about his sour relationship with the prime minister. In a rare interview marking the release of his memoir, the 85-year-old former President of Israel reveals who he sees as truly responsible for the disintegration of democracy and revisits the moment he told Sara Netanyahu, “I don’t care what you think.”
In the early hours of October 7th, Rivlin couldn’t believe what he was hearing. He woke up at his home in Jerusalem.
"It was the morning of Simchat Torah. They told me there were Hamas attacks. I said, 'Nonsense. They can’t even breach the fence. The air force will finish them, and the division stationed there will end this story.' I didn’t grasp the magnitude of the event. It completely caught me off guard. I know the former commander of the Southern Command, Tolandano, personally. I know Aviv Kochavi. I was in constant contact with him as president."
When asked about his conclusions more than a year later, Rivlin responds:
"Israel’s defense system is one of the best in the world. It was and will continue to be. But mistakes must be investigated. Those responsible for mistakes must be held accountable—for the sake of future generations—and they must pay the price. For this, only an independent body will suffice, and that body must be a state commission of inquiry. Nothing else will do. It should be established immediately. A government-led inquiry commission will lack credibility."
Rivlin criticizes the government's argument that it does not trust the president of the Supreme Court, who is supposed to appoint the committee:
"All the presidents of the Supreme Court have had their opinions—be it for Mapai or others. Whether it's Olshan, Agranat, Landau, Witkon, Shamgar, or Aharon Barak. But when they appointed the head of an inquiry commission, no one doubted their intent to fully uncover the truth. Suddenly, people are casting doubt on the judiciary. This is something we cannot live with. We cannot live with it."
At 85, Rivlin is publishing a book titled "A President in Turbulent Waters" (Yedioth Books). It’s a natural step for public figures, politicians, and certainly former presidents. But the book—at least the version I read—is a radical document for its time. It embodies all the things Rivlin claims "we cannot live with," as he puts it. It’s written in his authentic voice, and it’s radical because it contains two highly unusual elements.
The first is substantive. After his presidency, after signing the Nation-State Law with a protest note in Arabic, and especially after October 7th, Rivlin offers a bold alternative to Israeli reality, nationalism, and hatred. He hasn’t given up on the dream of shared living between Jews and Arabs in this land, and he speaks courageously in post-war Israeli discourse.
Here’s an example: At 85, while still holding firmly to the vision of Greater Israel, Rivlin proposes the establishment of a central Jewish-Arab party to transform Israeli reality ("A Jewish-Arab party, united, egalitarian, which will win 15-18 seats and bridge the gaps"). The book is interwoven with his ideas on equality and coexistence in the land. On a national level—and referencing October 7th—he advocates for an Israeli-Palestinian confederation. But there’s a deeper layer: His memoir exudes a yearning for shared living in this land, reminiscent of the Old Yishuv era from which his family hails.
The second reason will interest political readers: Rivlin recounts his entire political journey, his relationships with figures like Ariel Sharon, his disappointments and hopes, and, most relevantly, his interactions with Benjamin Netanyahu. How many public figures have told Sara Netanyahu, "I don’t care what you think," and then went on to write about it in a book? We’ll get to that.
The book isn’t a structured historical document, and that’s its charm. Rivlin recounts an episode where, as a child, he was called to testify on behalf of the Levin family’s dog, “Karamba,” who had bitten the mailman. He explained that she was "a good dog who doesn’t bite anyone." When the judge asked why she bit the mailman, Rivlin quipped, "You’re asking me? Ask her." That’s when it was clear he’d become a lawyer.
Occasionally, Rivlin’s personal impressions shine through, like his take on Ariel Sharon’s ascent to the Temple Mount in 2000. While it’s commonly believed Sharon’s move was driven by electoral ambitions to defeat Ehud Barak—risking igniting the Middle East—Rivlin frames it as a matter of principle.
It’s hard to fault him. He’s written a personal manifesto and doesn’t hold back. He starts strong ("The most significant issue that occupied me during my presidency on a national level was the disintegration of Israeli democracy. Initially, drop by drop. Later—a flood.") and quickly intensifies:
"Years of processes have led to the emergence of messianic, anti-democratic elements in Israel, which are taking up an increasingly larger share of the public space. There are many citizens in Israel who believe a Jewish and democratic state means a democratic state for Jews only... Demographics play a crucial role here. The proportion of people who don’t believe in democracy for all citizens, regardless of religion, race, or gender, or don’t understand its implications, is increasing. They don’t understand that ‘majority rule’ isn’t a democratic principle and that in democracy, the majority is responsible for safeguarding minority rights. Only an independent body can protect individuals from the tyranny of the majority, and that body is the judiciary, alongside gatekeepers."
In the book, Rivlin repeatedly returns to an early, different form of Zionism—one focused on integration. He reflects on his family's roots and writes:
"One realization I insisted on is that none of the populations living together between the Jordan and the sea are going anywhere. If we continue to ignore this, we’ll find ourselves fighting the same war repeatedly."
When asked how this reconciles with his vision, Rivlin responds:
"I’ve always debated with my Mapai friends in high school, Betar, and Scouts. We, the so-called right-wingers, are much more willing to integrate into the region. You want separation, military rule, 'they’re there, and we’re here.' I’m right-wing, Greater Israel, but I explain that Greater Israel depends on granting equal rights. The dilemma is if we give them, we lose the unique Jewish identity of the state."
There’s a passage in your book where you recount a decision to erect a memorial in Jerusalem for Jordanian Legion soldiers who fell in the Battle of Ammunition Hill. That concept seems unimaginable in today’s Israeli society, which tends to have a less nuanced understanding of the other side, doesn’t it?
“Certainly. The memorial was established by Haim Gouri, Yossi Langotsky, and myself. I even told King Hussein of Jordan about it when he came to Beit Shemesh to console the families of the victims from the Naharayim incident.”
You still maintain that this revisionist vision is possible and democratic?
“When Menachem Begin sought a name for the political movement emerging from the Irgun to become a party running for the Knesset, he proposed ‘National Democratic Movement.’ Jabotinsky’s adherents, however, suggested ‘National Liberal Movement,’ arguing that ‘National Democratic’ might be interpreted as simply counting the majority, where the majority rules. In contrast, a liberal state obliges the majority to care for and protect the rights of the minority.”
Rubi, I’ll be honest with you: this book describes a Land of Israel that no longer exists.
“Indeed, indeed.”
Perhaps this is because you genuinely advocate for understanding rather than imposing solutions that serve only our side. There’s a part in your book where you lightly criticize Trump’s plan, noting it won’t work because it comes off as patronizing toward the Palestinians.
“The Arabs will never accept patronization. What they detest most is being treated as second-class. For example, I advised Teddy Kollek to maintain the East Jerusalem Electric Company, ensuring that the Arab side could also have white-collar jobs in Israel’s capital. When I became President, I initiated a project with major Israeli companies—Osem, Tnuva, and others—to encourage them to hire more Arab citizens. This not only helped integrate them but also benefited the companies.”
And essentially, you support a confederation. You acknowledge the Gaza problem as a monstrous challenge that must be addressed, but you believe maintaining democracy requires Israel to move forward with it rather than wasting another decade or two pursuing the “two states for two peoples” solution.
“Bill Clinton once came to me, as a former President, when I was Speaker of the Knesset. This was after Ehud Barak spoke of ‘we are here, and they are there.’ I took Clinton to the French window of my office and said, ‘Do you see Bethlehem? It’s within machine-gun range—no need for missiles or anti-tank weapons.’ I added, ‘If I take you to the roof, you’ll see more.’ So we went up, and from there, you can see Ramallah, its outskirts, and of course, Qalandiya and Tel al-Ful. I told Clinton again, ‘You see what “they’re there” and “we’re here” means?’”
And the conclusion?
“They’re there and here. We’re here and there. We’re all together in this space. Instead of fighting one another, we need to accept that we’re all here. I told Clinton that a two-state solution would never work because we won’t agree to grant them more than autonomy, and they won’t agree to accept anything less than statehood akin to Israel. We have Ben Gurion Airport; they want Arafat Airport. We have an Air Force; they want one too. We have frequencies for our communications; they want those frequencies. This perspective influenced Clinton, and I reiterated it to Obama and later to Trump, though Trump was less inclined to listen.”
The book is interwoven with stories Rivlin shares for the first time about his political life. Perhaps the most striking and symbolic tale is about his interaction with Benjamin Netanyahu after the latter became the leader of Likud. Rivlin, despite belonging to the “Levy Camp” within Likud, had cordial relations with Netanyahu at the time. Rivlin recounts meetings with Yitzhak Shamir after Shamir lost the 1992 elections to Yitzhak Rabin. Here’s a quote from a conversation Rivlin shares:
“Rubil’e, don’t be deceived by the man. I know you want to promote him because he’s advancing Likud and has impressive verbal skills, serving as a counterweight to the princes who mocked him. I made him Deputy Foreign Minister myself. I, too, saw him as someone benefiting the Likud, but he’s a dangerous affliction. His only concern is himself, not the Likud. He’s a ‘destroyer angel’ who could ruin everything. I know the state matters to you—beware of advancing him. He won’t honor a single promise he makes to you.”
However, the defining conversation occurred after Netanyahu became Prime Minister. With Chief of Staff Amnon Lipkin-Shahak being seen as a major threat to Netanyahu, the Prime Minister offered Rivlin a position as Likud’s spokesperson in the Knesset—a role that came with a condition. Rivlin describes it as follows:
“‘I have a condition,’ Netanyahu said. ‘In every interview, no matter what you’re asked, end with “Lipkin-Shahak is a leftist.”’
‘I don’t understand,’ I replied. ‘What do you mean by Shahak being a leftist?’
‘It’s important the public knows Shahak is a leftist,’ Netanyahu insisted, believing Shahak was his only real competitor, though ultimately another Chief of Staff, Ehud Barak, emerged as the rival.
‘I replied, “Shahak studied four years below me at Gymnasia. He came to me, touched my officer ranks when I was promoted, proud that a boy from his neighborhood became an officer in the IDF. Are you suggesting I should label the man who was my commander—and I was his commander—as a leftist? Do you want me to imply he’s a traitor?”
‘Shahak needs to be portrayed as a leftist,’ Netanyahu explained.
‘I said, “Shahak doesn’t think like me. He’s also a Lipkin and a Shahak, from those in Rehavia who don’t like Begin or our movement. But I don’t think I need to label him a ‘leftist.’ That would suggest alienation, as if we aren’t brothers. Bibi, we are all brothers. The state matters to all of us. Our parents built it.”’”
In his book, Rivlin calls this practice “despicable.”
He contrasts it with a story from his time as Speaker of the Knesset during the Disengagement Plan:
“That’s a wonderful story. The decision on disengagement passed in the Knesset, and I stated from the podium that it was a deeply difficult decision for many citizens sent by every Israeli government to settle in Gaza. Then I saw MKs Haim Oron (Meretz) and Tzvi Hendel (from Gush Katif) approaching each other. I feared they were about to brawl but watched as they embraced, both farmers understanding the pain of leaving cultivated land. It was a profoundly moving moment that deeply impacted me.”
Rivlin repeats to me the phrase "angel of destruction" about Netanyahu but adamantly refuses to elaborate; he doesn't want the interview to turn into a comprehensive attack on the Prime Minister. Because, according to him, there’s much more in the book.
Nonetheless, the book indeed provides rare, insider examples of tough political relationships. In these, Rivlin consistently tells Netanyahu exactly what he thinks, bluntly and without sugarcoating. The gap between them in such confrontations often lies in Rivlin's steadfast insistence on statesmanship.
The most striking and emotional example is when the President reproaches the Prime Minister over the Elor Azaria affair. Regarding this case, Rivlin writes, "The moment we abandon our principles, and our moral foundations are shaken, we stand no chance. Generations of fighters from the Irgun, Lehi, Palmach, and later the IDF, were raised on the ethos of the purity of arms. The moment that is violated, it endangers our international legitimacy."
Then Netanyahu approaches him to request a pardon for Elor Azaria. Rivlin is furious. "Leave Elor Azaria aside," he tells Netanyahu. "What he did is unacceptable. It demands a response. We are from the same family. If your brother Yoni were here, he would agree with me." Netanyahu "lost his temper," Rivlin says, and yelled at the President, "Don’t bring Yoni into this." Rivlin replies, "You’re angry because you know I’m right. The IDF must not become a militia."
Their relationship was extremely strained, especially leading up to Rivlin's election as President. When Netanyahu called Rivlin to inform him of his support, the soon-to-be President mocked him. Here’s an excerpt from the book:
"'Do you want me to be elected?' I asked, 'or are you just supporting me?'
'Are you starting again?' he snapped.
'This is a straightforward question,' I continued. 'Do you support me or truly want me to be elected?'
'Your questions are cunning,' he dodged.
'It’s a straightforward question,' I insisted.
'Why?' he asked. 'What’s so straightforward about it?'
'Because if you want me to be elected, keep opposing me,' I said. 'Your opposition is one of my greatest advantages.'"
Rivlin writes: "That’s Netanyahu. No polygraph could prove him a liar because he convinces himself that what he says is the truth. He’s capable of lying and then forgetting what he said within five minutes." He recounts how Netanyahu visited his brother, Lazer Rivlin, on his deathbed, promising him that Reuven would be Speaker of the Knesset again — all while working against him. "Then he came to the shiva (mourning period). 'What are you pretending for?' Nechama asked him. 'You lie nonstop.'
'Nechama,' I told my wife, 'he doesn’t even know he’s lying anymore.'
'Do what you want,' she said to him. 'We’re prepared for anything.'"
Twelve hours before the Knesset vote for the presidency, Netanyahu asked Nechama:
'Why are you worried?'
'I’m not worried,' she answered. 'I know you’re plotting.'"
The strained relationship with the Netanyahu family wasn’t helped by another incident described in the book. "On one occasion, I joked, ‘Don’t speak ill of Bibi,’ which everyone preferred to interpret as referring to Sara. Whether or not I meant it, from that moment, I became an enemy of the people. 'I don’t care about you,' I told Mrs. Netanyahu, 'I say what I think and express myself clearly.'"
Nechama Rivlin plays a central role throughout the book, particularly in interactions with Netanyahu. She emerges as the truly tough figure, unafraid to confront the Prime Minister bluntly. Rivlin dedicates much space to describing their love and her wisdom, such as the famous story about how she told Obama she didn’t admire him but rather his grandmother, winning his eternal affection. (According to the book, Obama even sent them two tickets to the musical Hamilton because Nechama mentioned they hadn’t seen it.) On his first meeting with Obama in 2015, Rivlin recalls how their conversation turned to the verse "You have chosen us from among all nations," explaining that it isn’t about Jewish superiority but an ancient prayer. This discussion arose because of Netanyahu.
How did you even get to "You have chosen us"? It’s such a philosophical topic.
"It was an example of alleged arrogance on our part. Obama told me, 'Your Bibi, short of calling me "boy," came as close as possible to it. He said — "We, my wife and I, are self-made, created from nothing, and everything he (Netanyahu) did, I’ve done a thousand times over. How dare he (condescend to me)...’"
Obama essentially says Netanyahu almost called him "boy," a term with racist connotations for Black men.
"‘Boy’ implies disrespect. Racist, certainly."
On the submarine affair, Rivlin wrote almost nothing, refusing to discuss it at "the request of security officials." He personally met with Judge Grunis, the chair of the state inquiry committee.
The stories about Netanyahu aren’t presented in a vacuum or as some final revenge by Rivlin. In the book, Rivlin recounts a conversation with Netanyahu where he says, "The friends you politically eliminated told me you’re a charlatan. They didn’t know how much." Concluding his book, Rivlin sums up his concern: "As I write these lines, we are captives of people convinced their personal interests supersede everything, led by Netanyahu. All during a critical period for our future and existence. Netanyahu himself built up Ben-Gvir and brought him into the government; that controversial figure, once targeted by the Shin Bet, he appointed as the minister in charge of the police. What a disgrace. And then there’s Bezalel Smotrich, just as dangerous due to his cunning and extreme views, which threaten Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. With these two, Israel has embarked on its toughest battle in 50 years."
They’ll call you left-wing. That you were a Revisionist but joined the left.
"Oh, what a question. I can’t even go to Beitar’s eastern stand anymore. Bibi said what you’re saying about me before I was elected President. Later, he even dared to claim he supported me. Look, I never had an issue with rivals. Yossi Beilin, they began to smear him. Curse him. I went on the radio and said, 'Yossi Beilin is wrong, but I think he’s a great Zionist who truly cares for the state’s welfare.' Today’s political system grew out of Bibi’s school of American politics — explaining why the other person is awful rather than why you’re good. Slandering. Lifting up one’s own image by tearing others down. To slander. Lipkin-Shahak leftist, as an example"
Chapters of Insight
Significant chapters in the book are devoted to the most severe political crisis that struck Israel during Rivlin's presidency—a series of elections, one after the other. He reveals his internal deliberations about resigning from his position, given his reluctance to task Netanyahu with forming a government due to the latter's criminal indictments. Rivlin also sheds light on the coalition negotiations between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. He recounts a moment when Netanyahu informed him he had "58 Jewish mandates" while the other side had only "47 Jewish mandates," and how, despite knowing Netanyahu well, he was stunned by the “anti-democratic tone,” as he put it.
Benny Gantz does not come off well in Rivlin's descriptions, which suggest that while Gantz's intentions were good, his political abilities were limited. The book recounts how Netanyahu undermined a proposal he initially seemed to agree to—a plan for immediate incapacitation upon the filing of an indictment. This was supposed to form the basis of a Netanyahu-Gantz government.
"I told Netanyahu, 'I’ll task you. You’ll be appointed prime minister, but you must commit to declaring incapacitation for the duration of the trial. We’ll amend the law, and Gantz will serve as acting prime minister.' Netanyahu responded enthusiastically, calling it a brilliant suggestion. He turned to Gantz and said, 'Rivlin has made a genius proposal. I’m always a genius. A genius!' And then he went on to badmouth me."
You warned Gantz explicitly that Netanyahu wouldn’t honor the agreement. "I told Gantz, 'Don’t misunderstand me. Don’t blame me later. He will not honor it and will never give you the rotation. Never. But today, you need to appear before the nation, and we must all tell the people that there won’t be a fourth election. That’s all.'"
So why, in your view, did Gantz go along with it? Was it out of responsibility or statesmanship? "I don’t want to speak too much about Gantz. Listen, he cannot engage in the kind of discourse we’re having now. I’ll be brief—Gantz isn’t the most politically astute person in the world. He didn’t understand the political intricacies involved. He didn’t grasp what it meant to declare incapacitation, both in terminology and essence. He’s more handsome than he is wise."
Rivlin notes that Gadi Eisenkot, in contrast, is "the only strategist" among Israel’s political generals.
Do You Think Israel is Doing Enough to Bring Back Hostages?
"For Israel to remain a country with values—and this is not just a religious commandment but also a moral and ethical imperative of the highest order—it must bring back citizens who were kidnapped from territory under its control, where it had an obligation to ensure their safety."
I ask if we’re doing enough. "I supported Shaul Mofaz’s idea at the time, over a year ago, to exchange 'everyone for everyone'—all Palestinian prisoners for all hostages—to bring everyone back at once. Then we could continue dealing with the conflict as it evolved."
Many hostage families, as you know, not just Einav Tsangoker’s, believe the government isn’t acting because of coalition integrity. "Many are asking themselves if this is the case—whether threats by Ben Gvir or Smotrich not to agree to a deal are the reason. The answer is no. Values come before Smotrich—even before Smotrich and Ben Gvir. I told hostage families that only one person can take on the responsibility of bringing the hostages back—the prime minister."
In the book, Rivlin elaborates: “Our spotters were among those who sounded all the alarms, demanding that we listen: The enemy is at the gate; the enemy is here. This is no false alarm. They raised their voices repeatedly until they fell silent, strangled, captured. Even now, their voices call out to us from the depths of the tunnels. The enemy is at the gate, yet we keep choosing to sink into lies, irrelevance, charlatanism, and illusion. This is a time for radical listening. Let the ringing bells echo within us as we demand the truth so that we can grow from it, renew ourselves, and emerge stronger. The truth about our hostages’ future, the truth about the IDF’s renewed character, the truth about the fate of entire regions left desolate, and the simplest truth of all—that a government responsible for the greatest failure in the state’s history, among many others, must seek the public’s trust once more.”
On Netanyahu and Political Restoration
He remarks in another part of the interview, "Today, Bibi kicks everything aside just to stay in power forever, departing his seat only after 120 years."
Do you see anyone, inside or outside politics, capable of leading the restoration you envision for Israel? Can you name people who could take on this mission? "We have many excellent people. We have eight Nobel laureates who are experts in their fields, many capable strategists, former military leaders, and top-tier public figures. What worries me is that the public today is disillusioned. For 10-15 years, they’ve distanced themselves from politics as if it were toxic. But the public must choose among those who present themselves. I urge good people to connect, engage, and become part of the political system."
But they’d say, "Look, we’ve reached such a dark place that they don’t want to get involved." "So let’s change that ourselves. Emigration from Israel is no trivial matter. Doctors, businesspeople, especially in high-tech, are relocating major operations. This is now a clear and present reality. Half the nation bears the burden, while others don’t lift a finger for the state. Once, tribes saw their existence as tied to the state’s survival. Today, some see the state as a tool to exploit for their own benefit."
Legacy and Reflections on Love
Let me ask a final question. You’ve passed the age of 80, and I assume the book reflects your legacy. May you live to 120. What message would you want to be remembered for? "First, that we are a state with tribes, not tribes with a state. Our ability to settle this land and fulfill the vision of the prophets depends on living securely in our land. To do so, we must live in peace with our neighbors. Achieving this requires time, patience, and strength—qualities we’ve built over the years. The remarkable achievements of our founding generations, which I witnessed and continued, guide me. We must understand that disagreement is a defining trait of our people. We must learn to live with differing views. God forbid we magnify the rift. When Menachem Begin said, 'No to civil war,' he also meant no to fraternal hatred. Fraternal hatred can lead to civil war—Heaven forbid."
Rivlin concludes, "Goodbye and thank you."
On Personal Love
"From the time we met to her last day, we shared the same intensity. There were crises; every family has them. But without a doubt, until her final day, there was love, longing, and joy in being together.
Some 15 years ago, Rafi Reshef asked me on a TV show, ‘What do you want written on your tombstone?’ After all, I’d carried an Israeli journey on my shoulders, and since age three or four, I remember every moment. It took me 20 seconds to answer: ‘Of all the things you’re asking about, which flash before my eyes, I’d want it written on my grave that I was Nechama’s partner.’ That was our reality—I was the husband of the president’s wife. There were differences in our worldviews, but they quickly narrowed."
Rivlin adds, "Nechama was very liberal, understated, but in matters of the Land of Israel, she was even more extreme than I was. Yet she maintained close ties with Arab Knesset members. In her youth, without realizing it fully, she was very security-minded. She wanted coexistence with Arabs but didn’t believe it was feasible in our generation or the foreseeable future, nor that anyone could guarantee our security." LINK
Legal scholar tells Tel Aviv rally that proposed changes will make judiciary ‘a little Knesset’
Legal scholar Barak Medina tells some 1,000 anti-government protesters in Tel Aviv that the agreement reached this week between Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar regarding changes to the Judicial Selection Committee will “destroy the judiciary as an independent branch of government,” making it “nothing more than a little Knesset” in which judges are appointed for their political positions.
It may not have been a coincidence, he asserts, that Levin and Sa’ar’s ceremonious announcement of the agreement Thursday coincided with the eve of the Tenth of Tevet, a Jewish fast day marking the start of the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem that led to the destruction of the First Temple in the sixth century BCE.
Medina is a former Hebrew University rector now representing 112 hostage relatives in a petition to the High Court accusing the government of denying the captives’ basic rights by failing to secure their release. Speaking at Tel Aviv’s Begin-Kaplan Junction, also known as Democracy Square, he says “the High Court is almost the last remaining recourse for the hostages” and their families, citing “the petition to make [the court] order the government to explain the abandonment” of the hostages.
He says the government has no mandate to overhaul the judiciary and should devote its time only to ending the war in Gaza, pulling out of the Strip and bringing back the hostages.
Limor Livnat, a stalwart-turned-critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, also slams the Sa’ar and Levin agreement.
“How wonderful,” she says acidly. “The coalition is able to agree with itself. They may yet agree to cancel the elections.”
Reading out a litany of provocative statements by Likud ministers this week, the ex-minister says “no ministers are dealing with their offices’ affairs, the cost of living is soaring and 80,000 citizens have left the country — doctors and tech workers.”
“And we haven’t even said a word about the convicted felon who is making a mockery of Netantahu and all of us, [National Security Minister] Itamar Ben Gvir.”
“[Former Prime Ministers] Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir — the fathers of the party I grew up in, which I served my entire life to better the country and its citizens — are turning in their graves,” Livnat adds.
“Better days are coming,” she continues.”We’re not going anywhere — we’re going to win.”
The Democracy Square rally features singer Dana Berger performing her aptly named 1998 hit “Waiting for Him.” She says the previous time she performed there was during the last weekend of anti-government protests before Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, sparking the war in Gaza.
The rally ends in time for participants to join anti-government hostage families protesting for a hostage deal down the block, in front of the Begin Road entrance to IDF headquarters. In tandem, the Hostage and Missing Families Forum holds a rally at Hostages Square, a block away.
An excellent indepth interview with former Likud Politician and Israel's President Ruby Rivlin
You know what they'll say – that you were a revisionist who joined the left.
"Netanyahu said that about me even before I was elected president, and he even had the audacity to claim he supported me."
Reuven Rivlin like we’ve never heard him before:
Laying out his vision for a Jewish-Arab political party and an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would transform Israel’s character, calling for elections, and speaking with unprecedented openness about his sour relationship with the prime minister. In a rare interview marking the release of his memoir, the 85-year-old former President of Israel reveals who he sees as truly responsible for the disintegration of democracy and revisits the moment he told Sara Netanyahu, “I don’t care what you think.”
In the early hours of October 7th, Rivlin couldn’t believe what he was hearing. He woke up at his home in Jerusalem.
"It was the morning of Simchat Torah. They told me there were Hamas attacks. I said, 'Nonsense. They can’t even breach the fence. The air force will finish them, and the division stationed there will end this story.' I didn’t grasp the magnitude of the event. It completely caught me off guard. I know the former commander of the Southern Command, Tolandano, personally. I know Aviv Kochavi. I was in constant contact with him as president."
When asked about his conclusions more than a year later, Rivlin responds:
"Israel’s defense system is one of the best in the world. It was and will continue to be. But mistakes must be investigated. Those responsible for mistakes must be held accountable—for the sake of future generations—and they must pay the price. For this, only an independent body will suffice, and that body must be a state commission of inquiry. Nothing else will do. It should be established immediately. A government-led inquiry commission will lack credibility."
Rivlin criticizes the government's argument that it does not trust the president of the Supreme Court, who is supposed to appoint the committee:
"All the presidents of the Supreme Court have had their opinions—be it for Mapai or others. Whether it's Olshan, Agranat, Landau, Witkon, Shamgar, or Aharon Barak. But when they appointed the head of an inquiry commission, no one doubted their intent to fully uncover the truth. Suddenly, people are casting doubt on the judiciary. This is something we cannot live with. We cannot live with it."
At 85, Rivlin is publishing a book titled "A President in Turbulent Waters" (Yedioth Books). It’s a natural step for public figures, politicians, and certainly former presidents. But the book—at least the version I read—is a radical document for its time. It embodies all the things Rivlin claims "we cannot live with," as he puts it. It’s written in his authentic voice, and it’s radical because it contains two highly unusual elements.
The first is substantive. After his presidency, after signing the Nation-State Law with a protest note in Arabic, and especially after October 7th, Rivlin offers a bold alternative to Israeli reality, nationalism, and hatred. He hasn’t given up on the dream of shared living between Jews and Arabs in this land, and he speaks courageously in post-war Israeli discourse.
Here’s an example: At 85, while still holding firmly to the vision of Greater Israel, Rivlin proposes the establishment of a central Jewish-Arab party to transform Israeli reality ("A Jewish-Arab party, united, egalitarian, which will win 15-18 seats and bridge the gaps"). The book is interwoven with his ideas on equality and coexistence in the land. On a national level—and referencing October 7th—he advocates for an Israeli-Palestinian confederation. But there’s a deeper layer: His memoir exudes a yearning for shared living in this land, reminiscent of the Old Yishuv era from which his family hails.
The second reason will interest political readers: Rivlin recounts his entire political journey, his relationships with figures like Ariel Sharon, his disappointments and hopes, and, most relevantly, his interactions with Benjamin Netanyahu. How many public figures have told Sara Netanyahu, "I don’t care what you think," and then went on to write about it in a book? We’ll get to that.
The book isn’t a structured historical document, and that’s its charm. Rivlin recounts an episode where, as a child, he was called to testify on behalf of the Levin family’s dog, “Karamba,” who had bitten the mailman. He explained that she was "a good dog who doesn’t bite anyone." When the judge asked why she bit the mailman, Rivlin quipped, "You’re asking me? Ask her." That’s when it was clear he’d become a lawyer.
Occasionally, Rivlin’s personal impressions shine through, like his take on Ariel Sharon’s ascent to the Temple Mount in 2000. While it’s commonly believed Sharon’s move was driven by electoral ambitions to defeat Ehud Barak—risking igniting the Middle East—Rivlin frames it as a matter of principle.
It’s hard to fault him. He’s written a personal manifesto and doesn’t hold back. He starts strong ("The most significant issue that occupied me during my presidency on a national level was the disintegration of Israeli democracy. Initially, drop by drop. Later—a flood.") and quickly intensifies:
"Years of processes have led to the emergence of messianic, anti-democratic elements in Israel, which are taking up an increasingly larger share of the public space. There are many citizens in Israel who believe a Jewish and democratic state means a democratic state for Jews only... Demographics play a crucial role here. The proportion of people who don’t believe in democracy for all citizens, regardless of religion, race, or gender, or don’t understand its implications, is increasing. They don’t understand that ‘majority rule’ isn’t a democratic principle and that in democracy, the majority is responsible for safeguarding minority rights. Only an independent body can protect individuals from the tyranny of the majority, and that body is the judiciary, alongside gatekeepers."
In the book, Rivlin repeatedly returns to an early, different form of Zionism—one focused on integration. He reflects on his family's roots and writes:
"One realization I insisted on is that none of the populations living together between the Jordan and the sea are going anywhere. If we continue to ignore this, we’ll find ourselves fighting the same war repeatedly."
When asked how this reconciles with his vision, Rivlin responds:
"I’ve always debated with my Mapai friends in high school, Betar, and Scouts. We, the so-called right-wingers, are much more willing to integrate into the region. You want separation, military rule, 'they’re there, and we’re here.' I’m right-wing, Greater Israel, but I explain that Greater Israel depends on granting equal rights. The dilemma is if we give them, we lose the unique Jewish identity of the state."
There’s a passage in your book where you recount a decision to erect a memorial in Jerusalem for Jordanian Legion soldiers who fell in the Battle of Ammunition Hill. That concept seems unimaginable in today’s Israeli society, which tends to have a less nuanced understanding of the other side, doesn’t it?
“Certainly. The memorial was established by Haim Gouri, Yossi Langotsky, and myself. I even told King Hussein of Jordan about it when he came to Beit Shemesh to console the families of the victims from the Naharayim incident.”
You still maintain that this revisionist vision is possible and democratic?
“When Menachem Begin sought a name for the political movement emerging from the Irgun to become a party running for the Knesset, he proposed ‘National Democratic Movement.’ Jabotinsky’s adherents, however, suggested ‘National Liberal Movement,’ arguing that ‘National Democratic’ might be interpreted as simply counting the majority, where the majority rules. In contrast, a liberal state obliges the majority to care for and protect the rights of the minority.”
Rubi, I’ll be honest with you: this book describes a Land of Israel that no longer exists.
“Indeed, indeed.”
Perhaps this is because you genuinely advocate for understanding rather than imposing solutions that serve only our side. There’s a part in your book where you lightly criticize Trump’s plan, noting it won’t work because it comes off as patronizing toward the Palestinians.
“The Arabs will never accept patronization. What they detest most is being treated as second-class. For example, I advised Teddy Kollek to maintain the East Jerusalem Electric Company, ensuring that the Arab side could also have white-collar jobs in Israel’s capital. When I became President, I initiated a project with major Israeli companies—Osem, Tnuva, and others—to encourage them to hire more Arab citizens. This not only helped integrate them but also benefited the companies.”
And essentially, you support a confederation. You acknowledge the Gaza problem as a monstrous challenge that must be addressed, but you believe maintaining democracy requires Israel to move forward with it rather than wasting another decade or two pursuing the “two states for two peoples” solution.
“Bill Clinton once came to me, as a former President, when I was Speaker of the Knesset. This was after Ehud Barak spoke of ‘we are here, and they are there.’ I took Clinton to the French window of my office and said, ‘Do you see Bethlehem? It’s within machine-gun range—no need for missiles or anti-tank weapons.’ I added, ‘If I take you to the roof, you’ll see more.’ So we went up, and from there, you can see Ramallah, its outskirts, and of course, Qalandiya and Tel al-Ful. I told Clinton again, ‘You see what “they’re there” and “we’re here” means?’”
And the conclusion?
“They’re there and here. We’re here and there. We’re all together in this space. Instead of fighting one another, we need to accept that we’re all here. I told Clinton that a two-state solution would never work because we won’t agree to grant them more than autonomy, and they won’t agree to accept anything less than statehood akin to Israel. We have Ben Gurion Airport; they want Arafat Airport. We have an Air Force; they want one too. We have frequencies for our communications; they want those frequencies. This perspective influenced Clinton, and I reiterated it to Obama and later to Trump, though Trump was less inclined to listen.”
The book is interwoven with stories Rivlin shares for the first time about his political life. Perhaps the most striking and symbolic tale is about his interaction with Benjamin Netanyahu after the latter became the leader of Likud. Rivlin, despite belonging to the “Levy Camp” within Likud, had cordial relations with Netanyahu at the time. Rivlin recounts meetings with Yitzhak Shamir after Shamir lost the 1992 elections to Yitzhak Rabin. Here’s a quote from a conversation Rivlin shares:
“Rubil’e, don’t be deceived by the man. I know you want to promote him because he’s advancing Likud and has impressive verbal skills, serving as a counterweight to the princes who mocked him. I made him Deputy Foreign Minister myself. I, too, saw him as someone benefiting the Likud, but he’s a dangerous affliction. His only concern is himself, not the Likud. He’s a ‘destroyer angel’ who could ruin everything. I know the state matters to you—beware of advancing him. He won’t honor a single promise he makes to you.”
However, the defining conversation occurred after Netanyahu became Prime Minister. With Chief of Staff Amnon Lipkin-Shahak being seen as a major threat to Netanyahu, the Prime Minister offered Rivlin a position as Likud’s spokesperson in the Knesset—a role that came with a condition. Rivlin describes it as follows:
“‘I have a condition,’ Netanyahu said. ‘In every interview, no matter what you’re asked, end with “Lipkin-Shahak is a leftist.”’
‘I don’t understand,’ I replied. ‘What do you mean by Shahak being a leftist?’
‘It’s important the public knows Shahak is a leftist,’ Netanyahu insisted, believing Shahak was his only real competitor, though ultimately another Chief of Staff, Ehud Barak, emerged as the rival.
‘I replied, “Shahak studied four years below me at Gymnasia. He came to me, touched my officer ranks when I was promoted, proud that a boy from his neighborhood became an officer in the IDF. Are you suggesting I should label the man who was my commander—and I was his commander—as a leftist? Do you want me to imply he’s a traitor?”
‘Shahak needs to be portrayed as a leftist,’ Netanyahu explained.
‘I said, “Shahak doesn’t think like me. He’s also a Lipkin and a Shahak, from those in Rehavia who don’t like Begin or our movement. But I don’t think I need to label him a ‘leftist.’ That would suggest alienation, as if we aren’t brothers. Bibi, we are all brothers. The state matters to all of us. Our parents built it.”’”
In his book, Rivlin calls this practice “despicable.”
He contrasts it with a story from his time as Speaker of the Knesset during the Disengagement Plan:
“That’s a wonderful story. The decision on disengagement passed in the Knesset, and I stated from the podium that it was a deeply difficult decision for many citizens sent by every Israeli government to settle in Gaza. Then I saw MKs Haim Oron (Meretz) and Tzvi Hendel (from Gush Katif) approaching each other. I feared they were about to brawl but watched as they embraced, both farmers understanding the pain of leaving cultivated land. It was a profoundly moving moment that deeply impacted me.”
Rivlin repeats to me the phrase "angel of destruction" about Netanyahu but adamantly refuses to elaborate; he doesn't want the interview to turn into a comprehensive attack on the Prime Minister. Because, according to him, there’s much more in the book.
Nonetheless, the book indeed provides rare, insider examples of tough political relationships. In these, Rivlin consistently tells Netanyahu exactly what he thinks, bluntly and without sugarcoating. The gap between them in such confrontations often lies in Rivlin's steadfast insistence on statesmanship.
The most striking and emotional example is when the President reproaches the Prime Minister over the Elor Azaria affair. Regarding this case, Rivlin writes, "The moment we abandon our principles, and our moral foundations are shaken, we stand no chance. Generations of fighters from the Irgun, Lehi, Palmach, and later the IDF, were raised on the ethos of the purity of arms. The moment that is violated, it endangers our international legitimacy."
Then Netanyahu approaches him to request a pardon for Elor Azaria. Rivlin is furious. "Leave Elor Azaria aside," he tells Netanyahu. "What he did is unacceptable. It demands a response. We are from the same family. If your brother Yoni were here, he would agree with me." Netanyahu "lost his temper," Rivlin says, and yelled at the President, "Don’t bring Yoni into this." Rivlin replies, "You’re angry because you know I’m right. The IDF must not become a militia."
Their relationship was extremely strained, especially leading up to Rivlin's election as President. When Netanyahu called Rivlin to inform him of his support, the soon-to-be President mocked him. Here’s an excerpt from the book:
"'Do you want me to be elected?' I asked, 'or are you just supporting me?'
'Are you starting again?' he snapped.
'This is a straightforward question,' I continued. 'Do you support me or truly want me to be elected?'
'Your questions are cunning,' he dodged.
'It’s a straightforward question,' I insisted.
'Why?' he asked. 'What’s so straightforward about it?'
'Because if you want me to be elected, keep opposing me,' I said. 'Your opposition is one of my greatest advantages.'"
Rivlin writes: "That’s Netanyahu. No polygraph could prove him a liar because he convinces himself that what he says is the truth. He’s capable of lying and then forgetting what he said within five minutes." He recounts how Netanyahu visited his brother, Lazer Rivlin, on his deathbed, promising him that Reuven would be Speaker of the Knesset again — all while working against him. "Then he came to the shiva (mourning period). 'What are you pretending for?' Nechama asked him. 'You lie nonstop.'
'Nechama,' I told my wife, 'he doesn’t even know he’s lying anymore.'
'Do what you want,' she said to him. 'We’re prepared for anything.'"
Twelve hours before the Knesset vote for the presidency, Netanyahu asked Nechama:
'Why are you worried?'
'I’m not worried,' she answered. 'I know you’re plotting.'"
The strained relationship with the Netanyahu family wasn’t helped by another incident described in the book. "On one occasion, I joked, ‘Don’t speak ill of Bibi,’ which everyone preferred to interpret as referring to Sara. Whether or not I meant it, from that moment, I became an enemy of the people. 'I don’t care about you,' I told Mrs. Netanyahu, 'I say what I think and express myself clearly.'"
Nechama Rivlin plays a central role throughout the book, particularly in interactions with Netanyahu. She emerges as the truly tough figure, unafraid to confront the Prime Minister bluntly. Rivlin dedicates much space to describing their love and her wisdom, such as the famous story about how she told Obama she didn’t admire him but rather his grandmother, winning his eternal affection. (According to the book, Obama even sent them two tickets to the musical Hamilton because Nechama mentioned they hadn’t seen it.) On his first meeting with Obama in 2015, Rivlin recalls how their conversation turned to the verse "You have chosen us from among all nations," explaining that it isn’t about Jewish superiority but an ancient prayer. This discussion arose because of Netanyahu.
How did you even get to "You have chosen us"? It’s such a philosophical topic.
"It was an example of alleged arrogance on our part. Obama told me, 'Your Bibi, short of calling me "boy," came as close as possible to it. He said — "We, my wife and I, are self-made, created from nothing, and everything he (Netanyahu) did, I’ve done a thousand times over. How dare he (condescend to me)...’"
Obama essentially says Netanyahu almost called him "boy," a term with racist connotations for Black men.
"‘Boy’ implies disrespect. Racist, certainly."
On the submarine affair, Rivlin wrote almost nothing, refusing to discuss it at "the request of security officials." He personally met with Judge Grunis, the chair of the state inquiry committee.
The stories about Netanyahu aren’t presented in a vacuum or as some final revenge by Rivlin. In the book, Rivlin recounts a conversation with Netanyahu where he says, "The friends you politically eliminated told me you’re a charlatan. They didn’t know how much." Concluding his book, Rivlin sums up his concern: "As I write these lines, we are captives of people convinced their personal interests supersede everything, led by Netanyahu. All during a critical period for our future and existence. Netanyahu himself built up Ben-Gvir and brought him into the government; that controversial figure, once targeted by the Shin Bet, he appointed as the minister in charge of the police. What a disgrace. And then there’s Bezalel Smotrich, just as dangerous due to his cunning and extreme views, which threaten Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. With these two, Israel has embarked on its toughest battle in 50 years."
They’ll call you left-wing. That you were a Revisionist but joined the left.
"Oh, what a question. I can’t even go to Beitar’s eastern stand anymore. Bibi said what you’re saying about me before I was elected President. Later, he even dared to claim he supported me. Look, I never had an issue with rivals. Yossi Beilin, they began to smear him. Curse him. I went on the radio and said, 'Yossi Beilin is wrong, but I think he’s a great Zionist who truly cares for the state’s welfare.' Today’s political system grew out of Bibi’s school of American politics — explaining why the other person is awful rather than why you’re good. Slandering. Lifting up one’s own image by tearing others down. To slander. Lipkin-Shahak leftist, as an example"
Chapters of Insight
Significant chapters in the book are devoted to the most severe political crisis that struck Israel during Rivlin's presidency—a series of elections, one after the other. He reveals his internal deliberations about resigning from his position, given his reluctance to task Netanyahu with forming a government due to the latter's criminal indictments. Rivlin also sheds light on the coalition negotiations between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. He recounts a moment when Netanyahu informed him he had "58 Jewish mandates" while the other side had only "47 Jewish mandates," and how, despite knowing Netanyahu well, he was stunned by the “anti-democratic tone,” as he put it.
Benny Gantz does not come off well in Rivlin's descriptions, which suggest that while Gantz's intentions were good, his political abilities were limited. The book recounts how Netanyahu undermined a proposal he initially seemed to agree to—a plan for immediate incapacitation upon the filing of an indictment. This was supposed to form the basis of a Netanyahu-Gantz government.
"I told Netanyahu, 'I’ll task you. You’ll be appointed prime minister, but you must commit to declaring incapacitation for the duration of the trial. We’ll amend the law, and Gantz will serve as acting prime minister.' Netanyahu responded enthusiastically, calling it a brilliant suggestion. He turned to Gantz and said, 'Rivlin has made a genius proposal. I’m always a genius. A genius!' And then he went on to badmouth me."
You warned Gantz explicitly that Netanyahu wouldn’t honor the agreement. "I told Gantz, 'Don’t misunderstand me. Don’t blame me later. He will not honor it and will never give you the rotation. Never. But today, you need to appear before the nation, and we must all tell the people that there won’t be a fourth election. That’s all.'"
So why, in your view, did Gantz go along with it? Was it out of responsibility or statesmanship? "I don’t want to speak too much about Gantz. Listen, he cannot engage in the kind of discourse we’re having now. I’ll be brief—Gantz isn’t the most politically astute person in the world. He didn’t understand the political intricacies involved. He didn’t grasp what it meant to declare incapacitation, both in terminology and essence. He’s more handsome than he is wise."
Rivlin notes that Gadi Eisenkot, in contrast, is "the only strategist" among Israel’s political generals.
Do You Think Israel is Doing Enough to Bring Back Hostages?
"For Israel to remain a country with values—and this is not just a religious commandment but also a moral and ethical imperative of the highest order—it must bring back citizens who were kidnapped from territory under its control, where it had an obligation to ensure their safety."
I ask if we’re doing enough. "I supported Shaul Mofaz’s idea at the time, over a year ago, to exchange 'everyone for everyone'—all Palestinian prisoners for all hostages—to bring everyone back at once. Then we could continue dealing with the conflict as it evolved."
Many hostage families, as you know, not just Einav Tsangoker’s, believe the government isn’t acting because of coalition integrity. "Many are asking themselves if this is the case—whether threats by Ben Gvir or Smotrich not to agree to a deal are the reason. The answer is no. Values come before Smotrich—even before Smotrich and Ben Gvir. I told hostage families that only one person can take on the responsibility of bringing the hostages back—the prime minister."
In the book, Rivlin elaborates: “Our spotters were among those who sounded all the alarms, demanding that we listen: The enemy is at the gate; the enemy is here. This is no false alarm. They raised their voices repeatedly until they fell silent, strangled, captured. Even now, their voices call out to us from the depths of the tunnels. The enemy is at the gate, yet we keep choosing to sink into lies, irrelevance, charlatanism, and illusion. This is a time for radical listening. Let the ringing bells echo within us as we demand the truth so that we can grow from it, renew ourselves, and emerge stronger. The truth about our hostages’ future, the truth about the IDF’s renewed character, the truth about the fate of entire regions left desolate, and the simplest truth of all—that a government responsible for the greatest failure in the state’s history, among many others, must seek the public’s trust once more.”
On Netanyahu and Political Restoration
He remarks in another part of the interview, "Today, Bibi kicks everything aside just to stay in power forever, departing his seat only after 120 years."
Do you see anyone, inside or outside politics, capable of leading the restoration you envision for Israel? Can you name people who could take on this mission? "We have many excellent people. We have eight Nobel laureates who are experts in their fields, many capable strategists, former military leaders, and top-tier public figures. What worries me is that the public today is disillusioned. For 10-15 years, they’ve distanced themselves from politics as if it were toxic. But the public must choose among those who present themselves. I urge good people to connect, engage, and become part of the political system."
But they’d say, "Look, we’ve reached such a dark place that they don’t want to get involved." "So let’s change that ourselves. Emigration from Israel is no trivial matter. Doctors, businesspeople, especially in high-tech, are relocating major operations. This is now a clear and present reality. Half the nation bears the burden, while others don’t lift a finger for the state. Once, tribes saw their existence as tied to the state’s survival. Today, some see the state as a tool to exploit for their own benefit."
Legacy and Reflections on Love
Let me ask a final question. You’ve passed the age of 80, and I assume the book reflects your legacy. May you live to 120. What message would you want to be remembered for? "First, that we are a state with tribes, not tribes with a state. Our ability to settle this land and fulfill the vision of the prophets depends on living securely in our land. To do so, we must live in peace with our neighbors. Achieving this requires time, patience, and strength—qualities we’ve built over the years. The remarkable achievements of our founding generations, which I witnessed and continued, guide me. We must understand that disagreement is a defining trait of our people. We must learn to live with differing views. God forbid we magnify the rift. When Menachem Begin said, 'No to civil war,' he also meant no to fraternal hatred. Fraternal hatred can lead to civil war—Heaven forbid."
Rivlin concludes, "Goodbye and thank you."
On Personal Love
"From the time we met to her last day, we shared the same intensity. There were crises; every family has them. But without a doubt, until her final day, there was love, longing, and joy in being together.
Some 15 years ago, Rafi Reshef asked me on a TV show, ‘What do you want written on your tombstone?’ After all, I’d carried an Israeli journey on my shoulders, and since age three or four, I remember every moment. It took me 20 seconds to answer: ‘Of all the things you’re asking about, which flash before my eyes, I’d want it written on my grave that I was Nechama’s partner.’ That was our reality—I was the husband of the president’s wife. There were differences in our worldviews, but they quickly narrowed."
Rivlin adds, "Nechama was very liberal, understated, but in matters of the Land of Israel, she was even more extreme than I was. Yet she maintained close ties with Arab Knesset members. In her youth, without realizing it fully, she was very security-minded. She wanted coexistence with Arabs but didn’t believe it was feasible in our generation or the foreseeable future, nor that anyone could guarantee our security." LINK
The Region and the World
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Personal Stories Lilia Kostitsina, 78: Grandmother of 10 loved to tend her gardenMurdered by Hamas terrorists in her home in Ofakim on October 7Elizaveta “Lilia” Kostitsina, 78, from Ofakim, was murdered by Hamas terrorists in her home in the city on October 7.
Shortly after the start of the rocket fire, she messaged her daughter that she heard tons of booms and wasn’t sure what was going on. Not long afterward, the two of them spoke, and Lilia said she felt bad for the neighbors who had to take their kids into the stairwell during ever siren, and was going to invite them into her apartment, where she had a room without any windows.
Lilia opened her front door and was shot dead by terrorists who had invaded the apartment building. Her neighbor, Emma Poliakov, was also slain in the attack.
Despite knowing that she had been killed, Lilia’s family had to wait more than a week for her body to be identified and for them to be given official notice of her death.
She was buried on October 16 in Ofakim. She is survived by her two children, Margarita (Rita) and Sergey (Shlomi) and 10 grandchildren.
Lilia was born in St. Petersburg, Russia, to Freida and Solomon, a couple of months after the end of World War II, according to a state eulogy. She grew up in the city alongside her older brother, Naum, to parents who had fled pogroms in Belarus.
As a child she enjoyed literature and theater, but chose a more realistic and secure career, studying engineering. She had two children and worked in a factory that made parts for Katyusha rockets. Her children both moved to Israel and after she retired, Lilia followed them, arriving in 2000, living first in Jerusalem, then Modiin before settling in Ofakim, near her son, who became a rabbi. In Ofakim, she enjoyed caring for her garden, according to a municipal eulogy.
In the summer of 2023, she had heart surgery and was slowly recovering, returning to her walks around the neighborhood and getting back into her usual routine of helping out all those around her, including friends, neighbors, new Russian-speaking immigrants, family and her 10 beloved grandchildren.
“She really loved Ofakim, she loved her garden and every day until her last day she would go out to the garden and take care of it,” her daughter, Rita, told Maariv. “My mother was always taking care of those around her, she’d always ask me for help to solve their problems with various governmental bodies,” including medical providers and insurance agents.
She was looking forward to an upcoming visit from her nephew in Germany, “she’d already gone shopping, arranged day trips and they had all their plans set for his arrival… My mother loved life very much and had many more years to live.”
Elizaveta “Lilia” Kostitsina, 78, from Ofakim, was murdered by Hamas terrorists in her home in the city on October 7.
Shortly after the start of the rocket fire, she messaged her daughter that she heard tons of booms and wasn’t sure what was going on. Not long afterward, the two of them spoke, and Lilia said she felt bad for the neighbors who had to take their kids into the stairwell during ever siren, and was going to invite them into her apartment, where she had a room without any windows.
Lilia opened her front door and was shot dead by terrorists who had invaded the apartment building. Her neighbor, Emma Poliakov, was also slain in the attack.
Despite knowing that she had been killed, Lilia’s family had to wait more than a week for her body to be identified and for them to be given official notice of her death.
She was buried on October 16 in Ofakim. She is survived by her two children, Margarita (Rita) and Sergey (Shlomi) and 10 grandchildren.
Lilia was born in St. Petersburg, Russia, to Freida and Solomon, a couple of months after the end of World War II, according to a state eulogy. She grew up in the city alongside her older brother, Naum, to parents who had fled pogroms in Belarus.
As a child she enjoyed literature and theater, but chose a more realistic and secure career, studying engineering. She had two children and worked in a factory that made parts for Katyusha rockets. Her children both moved to Israel and after she retired, Lilia followed them, arriving in 2000, living first in Jerusalem, then Modiin before settling in Ofakim, near her son, who became a rabbi. In Ofakim, she enjoyed caring for her garden, according to a municipal eulogy.
In the summer of 2023, she had heart surgery and was slowly recovering, returning to her walks around the neighborhood and getting back into her usual routine of helping out all those around her, including friends, neighbors, new Russian-speaking immigrants, family and her 10 beloved grandchildren.
“She really loved Ofakim, she loved her garden and every day until her last day she would go out to the garden and take care of it,” her daughter, Rita, told Maariv. “My mother was always taking care of those around her, she’d always ask me for help to solve their problems with various governmental bodies,” including medical providers and insurance agents.
She was looking forward to an upcoming visit from her nephew in Germany, “she’d already gone shopping, arranged day trips and they had all their plans set for his arrival… My mother loved life very much and had many more years to live.”
Dark Legacy - The Abandonment of October 7th Hostages
The Two Abandonments of Benjamin NetanyahuDr. Amir PelegHistorian.
When history comes to judge Benjamin Netanyahu’s term as Prime Minister of Israel, it will turn to two main acts of abandonment that he has championed, both of which have brought the security and the social cohesion of the State of Israel to their lowest and most dangerous points since its founding in 1948. Those two acts of relinquishment endanger the security of the state and forsake the hostages in Gaza.On the national security front, over his 14 years of nearly uninterrupted rule Netanyahu has prioritized his own political survival over confronting major security threats. This has led him to develop the “containment” approach towards Hezbollah and Hamas, which have during his time in power grown and developed from minor players to a clearcut and present danger to the safety of Israel. At the same time, he neglected the Iranian front, allowing it to surround Israel with a ring of fire by funding those very same organizations, alongside others. This policy was a complete about-face from the “Begin Doctrine,” the previous cornerstone of the Israeli national security policy. This doctrine was based on Prime Minister Menachem Begin’s conclusion after the Holocaust that we should fully believe our enemies’ stated desire to destroy us, and act in any way necessary to abolish the threat.First and foremost, among Netanyahu’s reckless moves stands the years- long campaign to foster, strengthen and fund the terrorist organization Hamas. Determinedly and in cold blood, Netanyahu strove to turn Hamas from a minor and weak organization into a state-like entity which controls the Gaza strip while receiving hundreds of millions of US dollars in funds used mainly for increasing its military power. He sent envoys to make sure the Qatari money for arms and munitions kept flowing. He repeatedly refused to take out Hamas terrorist leaders, or to diminish its military power, and took action to close down the Mossad’s “Harpoon” unit, meant to prevent the flow of funds to Hamas and Hezbollah. Netanyahu’s reckless conscious neglect of the national security front led directly to the disaster of October 7th.Alongside the reckless neglect on the security front, one cannot stress enough the social and moral act of forsaking the hostages held in the Gaza strip since October 7th. Since its founding over seven decades ago, the Israeli ethos has placed front and center the commitment to any civilian or soldier that, should they fall into enemy hands, the state will do all in its power to get them back home safely. Operation Entebbe, the Savoy Hotel raid, and many other incidents have reinforced this maxim over the years. Various hostage deals have also reinforced this principle, chiefly, the Jibril deal in the 1980’s as thousands of terrorists were released in exchange for a handful of soldiers, and the solitary release of Gilad Shalit in 2011.Now Netanyahu has taken up arms against the Israeli ethos, that which separates us from our enemies, instead saying to each and every one of us: you are on your own. Not only did I not bother to defend your person and your security; Not only did I knowingly arm and strengthen the terrorists who abducted you; I will now resist the hostage deal that will bring you back. It is on the basis of these two acts of abandonment that history will judge Netanyahu as the most harmful, reckless and dangerous leader in the history of Israel.
Acronyms and Glossary
ICC - International Criminal Court in the Hague
IJC - International Court of Justice in the Hague
MDA - Magen David Adom - Israel Ambulance Corp
PA - Palestinian Authority - President Mahmud Abbas, aka Abu Mazen
PMO- Prime Minister's Office
UAV - Unmanned Aerial vehicle, Drone. Could be used for surveillance and reconnaissance, or be weaponized with missiles or contain explosives for 'suicide' explosion mission
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