π️Lonny's War Update- October 470, 2023 - January 18, 2025 π️
π️Day 470 that 98 of our hostages in Hamas captivity
**There is nothing more important than getting them home! NOTHING!**
“I’ve never met them,But I miss them. I’ve never met them,but I think of them every second. I’ve never met them,but they are my family. BRING THEM HOME NOW!!!”
We’re waiting for you, all of you.
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
A deal is the only way to bring
all the hostages home- the murdered for burial and the living for rehabilitation.
#BringThemHomeNow #TurnTheHorrorIntoHope
There is no victory until all of the hostages are home!ΧΧΧ Χ Χ¦ΧΧΧ Χ’Χ Χ©ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧΧ€ΧΧ ΧΧΧΧͺ
Red Alerts - Missile, Rocket, Drone (UAV - unmanned aerial vehicles), and Terror Attacks and Death Announcements
*10:20am - Center and Jerusalem areas of the country - ballistic missile from Yemen. Was successfully intercepted but falling shrapnel again fell in my area of the Jerusalem mountains. No injuries and no damages reported
Debris from a missile fired from Yemen that fell near Jerusalem on January 18, 2025 (this is about 2 miles from my house)
Debris from a missile fired from Yemen that fell near Jerusalem on January 18, 2025 (this is about 2 miles from my house)
*3:40pm - South - Eilat and Arava areas - ballistic missile from Yemen - intercepted - no reports of injuries or damage
*4:35pm - Tel Aviv - terror attack - terrorist stabbed a number of victims in the heart of South Tel Aviv, at least one person in serious condition. The terrorist was killed at the site. Police are patrolling to determine if the terrorist acted alone or if there are any more terrorists in the area
Hostage Updates
Today is Kfir Bibas's 2nd birthday and his 2nd in captivity
Weekly rallies to mark 2nd birthday of hostage Kfir Bibas, day before deal due to begin
Youngest captive seized by Hamas-led terrorists is among the 33 Israelis slated for release during first stage of ceasefire agreement, along with his brother, mother and father.
People walk by photographs of civilians held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza, at "Hostage Square" in Tel Aviv. February 14, 2024. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)
The families of hostages held in Gaza and their supporters were to set gather in Tel Aviv and elsewhere across Israel on Saturday for the weekly rallies urging the captives’ release, with this week’s demonstrations coinciding with the second birthday of Kfir Bibas, the youngest Israeli kidnapped by Hamas during the October 7, 2023, terror onslaught.
This week’s rallies will also be held the day before the slated start of a multiphase hostage-ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, with the first of three captives due to be freed on Sunday after the government formally approved the deal early Saturday morning.
The Hostages and Missing Families Forum, an organizer of the rally at Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square, issued a statement urging Israelis to attend the rally.
“An entire nation is waiting to see all the hostages come home. The current agreement must only end with the release of the all hostages, in a manner and date known in advance,” the statement from the group said.
Among the speakers scheduled to address the rally were former hostage Amit Soussana, who was returned from Gaza in November 2023 during a weeklong truce deal, and the relatives of several captives, including Ofri Bibas Levy, the aunt of Kfir Bibas.
Bibas Levy is the sister of Yarden Bibas, who was taken hostage separately from Kfir, who was abducted along with his brother Ariel and mother Shiri.
Ofri Bibas-Levy, sister of hostage Yarden Bibas, speaks at a pre-Passover event in the Kibbutz Nir Oz dining hall on April 11, 2024. (Liron Moldovan/Flash90)The Bibas family is among the highest-profile hostages still held in Gaza. Ariel, 4 years old at the time of his abduction, and Kfir are the only children left after the November 2023 deal that saw the release of more than 100 of the 251 people seized in the attack by Hamas terrorists the previous month, in which some 1,200 people were killed, mostly civilians, on the deadliest day in Israel’s history.
At the time, Hamas said the children had been killed along with their mother. Israel said it was investigating that “cruel” claim but has not confirmed it, and the IDF has since said it has no intelligence to confirm their status.
The four are among the 33 hostages to be released in the first stage of the hostage agreement, with the families of those captives notified Friday by the government’s hostages and missing persons coordination unit.
Those on the list, to be returned over a period of 42 days, are so-called “humanitarian” cases: women, children, elderly individuals and the infirm.
Notably, Israel has not been told how many of the 33 are alive, though it expects the majority are.
If the ceasefire holds, Israel and Hamas would begin negotiating toward the release of the 65 other hostages, younger men of whom some are living and some are dead.
There have been no signs of life from the brothers since the day of their abduction, when they and their mother, Shiri, became an early face of the violence. A video that emerged of Shiri carrying her children as she was taken away by the terrorists quickly gained attention due to her visible distress, the children’s bright red hair, and Kfir’s young age — being the youngest Israeli abducted by Hamas.
After announcing their death in November 2023, Hamas released a video showing Yarden, their father, who had been told his family was dead. In February 2024, the IDF found more footage from surveillance cameras in Khan Younis of Shiri, Kfir and Ariel’s abduction.
Yifat Zailer shows photos of her cousin, Shiri Bibas, center, her husband Yarden, left, and their sons Ariel, top right, and Kfir, who were taken hostage by Hamas terrorists, at her home in Herziliyya, Israel, January 15, 2025. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)Their relatives, like those of other hostages, have advocated forcefully in public demonstrations and behind the scenes for efforts to return their loved ones to Israel. Eli Bibas, Yarden’s father, spoke at a Tel Aviv rally in support of a hostage deal on Tuesday night, saying: “The nightmare that became our reality in the past year must end.”
In a statement on Wednesday, as it became clear that a deal was being finalized, the family urged against speculation.
“We are aware of the reports noting that all members of our family are included in the first stage of the agreement and that Shiri and the children are among the first to be released,” the statement said. “We have gained enough experience and disappointments and therefore there is no end to the story until our loved ones cross the border.”
The statement added: “We are waiting for certainty about their release and their conditions and are asking that no one reach out to us in this sensitive time. We are asking not to lend a hand to spreading rumors. We address the prime minister and continue the demand to release them all, until the final hostage.”
Government ministers vote in favor of approving hostage-ceasefire deal with Hamas
The full Israeli government votes in favor of approving the hostage-ceasefire agreement with Hamas, after the security cabinet gave its blessing to the deal on Friday.
The Prime Minister’s Office issues a statement confirming the government approved the deal, which Hebrew media outlets report 24 ministers voted in favor of and eight opposed.
The statement adds that the deal will enter into force on Sunday, when the first three Israeli hostages are to be freed. Thirty-three hostages are to be freed in the first, 42-day phase of the deal.
Now that the government has approved the agreement, opponents of the deal can petition the High Court of Justice against the release of Palestinian security prisoners who are set to be freed, though the court is unlikely to intervene.
The process for receiving the lists will proceed as follows:
-
The lists are transferred from Hamas to the Prime Minister of Qatar approximately 24 hours before the release.
-
The list is approved by the negotiation team, and the recommendation is forwarded to the Prime Minister for final approval.
-
After the list is approved, the negotiation team updates the POW/MIA Coordinator, Gal Hirsch.
-
Families are notified by the POW/MIA Coordinator and the Hostage Directorate.
-
The IDF and Shin Bet prepare to receive the hostages the following day.
-
The public is asked to demonstrate patience and resilience.
-
There is a high likelihood of violations and manipulations by Hamas starting from day one.
-
Hamas is a terrorist organization and will employ psychological terror tactics on the Israeli public and families throughout the duration of the deal.
-
It is not possible to commit to fixed times for receiving the list or the arrival of hostages. Delays are expected (as part of the violations).
- Hamas slated to provide list on Saturday of 3 hostages to be released on SundayThe hostage deal stipulates that Hamas provide Israel with the names of the hostages it will release 24 hours in advance.
This means that tomorrow, Hamas will provide the names of the three Israelis slated for release on Sunday.
The three are widely expected to be among the list of female civilians.
- Former hostage negotiator: 'A bad deal is better than no deal'
The ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas does not address several issues, including an end to the war in Gaza. But former Israeli hostage negotiator Gershon Baskin says that it's better than no deal.
And, Gavin Kelleher, access manager in Gaza for the Norwegian Refugee Council, explains how a ceasefire will impact aid delivery to Gaza.
Then, President Biden gave his farewell address on Wednesday. The New Yorker's Susan Glasser reflects on Biden's domestic and foreign policy legacy. link to NPR interview with Gershon Baskin
CBC News Network's Aarti Pole speaks with Gershon Baskin about Israel-Hamas ceasefire hostage deal. video interview of Gershon Baskin about the hostage deal
Israel to release 1,904 Palestinian prisoners and detainees in 1st stage of deal
In the first stage of the ceasefire and hostage deal with Hamas, Israel is expected to be releasing a total of 1,904 Palestinian prisoners.
They include 737 detainees and security prisoners, including numerous terrorists serving life sentences for murder, among them members of Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Palestinian Authority’s ruling Fatah movement, along with women and children being held in Israeli jails.
Israel will also be releasing 1,167 Palestinians detained in the Gaza Strip during the IDF’s ground offensive, who did not participate in the October 7, 2023, onslaught.
On Sunday, the first three female hostages from the list of 33 humanitarian cases — a category made up of women, children, elderly individuals, and the infirm — are set to be released.
The other 30 hostages on the list will be released each Saturday until the end of the 42-day deal.
The hostages will be released in exchange for a number of Palestinian prisoners detailed in the terms of the deal.
For each of the living women, children and elderly, 30 Palestinian prisoners will be released; for all nine sick hostages, 110 prisoners will be released; for each of the female IDF soldiers, 50 prisoners will be released; for hostages Avera Mengistu and Hisham al-Sayed, who have been held in Gaza for a decade, 30 prisoners will be released for each, in addition to 47 Palestinians released in the 2011 Gilad Shalit deal and re-arrested; and for the bodies of hostages in the first stage, Israel will release the 1,000+ Gazan detainees.
Majority of public backs continuing hostage deal after first phase — poll
A majority of the Israeli public supports continuing the hostage deal into the second phase, a poll aired on the Kan public broadcaster says.
Fifty-five percent of the public wants the deal to continue, even though that means ending the war, the poll reveals. Twenty-seven percent of the public believes the war should resume after the first phase while 18% say they don’t know.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had previously pledged to continue the war until Hamas’s military and governing capabilities have been dismantled. He has reportedly indicated to far-right ministers in his cabinet that he still plans to do so after the first phase.
The Likud party even issued a statement yesterday claiming that US President-elect Donald Trump has given Netanyahu assurances that Israel will be able to resume fighting after the first phase.
During the first phase, Israel and Hamas are supposed to hold negotiations regarding the terms of the second phase during which the remaining living hostages will be released. The mediators will serve as guarantors to ensure that the parties remain at the table until an agreement on the second phase is reached, allowing the ceasefire to extend. The second phase would conclude with a permanent ceasefire.
The Kan poll also shows that 62% of the public supports the deal thus far, compared to 18% who are opposed and 20% who said they are undecided.
Even among coalition voters, 45% of respondents support the deal, compared to 30% who oppose it.
However, 46% of coalition voters believe that Israel should resume fighting in the second phase, in apparent violation of the deal’s terms and at the expense of the hostages slated to be released then. Thirty-five percent of coalition voters back continuing the deal into the second phase and 19% of them said they don’t know.
Forty percent of the public thinks there’s a medium chance that the deal will extend into the second phase while 23% think there’s a low chance that it will and 21% think there’s a high chance. Sixteen percent said they were unsure.
Asked which party was responsible for the fact that it took nearly 470 days to reach the agreement, 36% said it was Hamas, 25% said it was Israel, 22% said both sides equally while 17% said they didn’t know.
*4:35pm - Tel Aviv - terror attack - terrorist stabbed a number of victims in the heart of South Tel Aviv, at least one person in serious condition. The terrorist was killed at the site. Police are patrolling to determine if the terrorist acted alone or if there are any more terrorists in the area
Hostage Updates
Today is Kfir Bibas's 2nd birthday and his 2nd in captivity
Weekly rallies to mark 2nd birthday of hostage Kfir Bibas, day before deal due to begin
Youngest captive seized by Hamas-led terrorists is among the 33 Israelis slated for release during first stage of ceasefire agreement, along with his brother, mother and father.
People walk by photographs of civilians held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza, at "Hostage Square" in Tel Aviv. February 14, 2024. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)
The families of hostages held in Gaza and their supporters were to set gather in Tel Aviv and elsewhere across Israel on Saturday for the weekly rallies urging the captives’ release, with this week’s demonstrations coinciding with the second birthday of Kfir Bibas, the youngest Israeli kidnapped by Hamas during the October 7, 2023, terror onslaught.
This week’s rallies will also be held the day before the slated start of a multiphase hostage-ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas, with the first of three captives due to be freed on Sunday after the government formally approved the deal early Saturday morning.
The Hostages and Missing Families Forum, an organizer of the rally at Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square, issued a statement urging Israelis to attend the rally.
“An entire nation is waiting to see all the hostages come home. The current agreement must only end with the release of the all hostages, in a manner and date known in advance,” the statement from the group said.
Among the speakers scheduled to address the rally were former hostage Amit Soussana, who was returned from Gaza in November 2023 during a weeklong truce deal, and the relatives of several captives, including Ofri Bibas Levy, the aunt of Kfir Bibas.
Bibas Levy is the sister of Yarden Bibas, who was taken hostage separately from Kfir, who was abducted along with his brother Ariel and mother Shiri.
The Bibas family is among the highest-profile hostages still held in Gaza. Ariel, 4 years old at the time of his abduction, and Kfir are the only children left after the November 2023 deal that saw the release of more than 100 of the 251 people seized in the attack by Hamas terrorists the previous month, in which some 1,200 people were killed, mostly civilians, on the deadliest day in Israel’s history.
At the time, Hamas said the children had been killed along with their mother. Israel said it was investigating that “cruel” claim but has not confirmed it, and the IDF has since said it has no intelligence to confirm their status.
The four are among the 33 hostages to be released in the first stage of the hostage agreement, with the families of those captives notified Friday by the government’s hostages and missing persons coordination unit.
Those on the list, to be returned over a period of 42 days, are so-called “humanitarian” cases: women, children, elderly individuals and the infirm.
Notably, Israel has not been told how many of the 33 are alive, though it expects the majority are.
If the ceasefire holds, Israel and Hamas would begin negotiating toward the release of the 65 other hostages, younger men of whom some are living and some are dead.
There have been no signs of life from the brothers since the day of their abduction, when they and their mother, Shiri, became an early face of the violence. A video that emerged of Shiri carrying her children as she was taken away by the terrorists quickly gained attention due to her visible distress, the children’s bright red hair, and Kfir’s young age — being the youngest Israeli abducted by Hamas.
After announcing their death in November 2023, Hamas released a video showing Yarden, their father, who had been told his family was dead. In February 2024, the IDF found more footage from surveillance cameras in Khan Younis of Shiri, Kfir and Ariel’s abduction.
Their relatives, like those of other hostages, have advocated forcefully in public demonstrations and behind the scenes for efforts to return their loved ones to Israel. Eli Bibas, Yarden’s father, spoke at a Tel Aviv rally in support of a hostage deal on Tuesday night, saying: “The nightmare that became our reality in the past year must end.”
In a statement on Wednesday, as it became clear that a deal was being finalized, the family urged against speculation.
“We are aware of the reports noting that all members of our family are included in the first stage of the agreement and that Shiri and the children are among the first to be released,” the statement said. “We have gained enough experience and disappointments and therefore there is no end to the story until our loved ones cross the border.”
The statement added: “We are waiting for certainty about their release and their conditions and are asking that no one reach out to us in this sensitive time. We are asking not to lend a hand to spreading rumors. We address the prime minister and continue the demand to release them all, until the final hostage.”
- Government ministers vote in favor of approving hostage-ceasefire deal with Hamas
The full Israeli government votes in favor of approving the hostage-ceasefire agreement with Hamas, after the security cabinet gave its blessing to the deal on Friday.
The Prime Minister’s Office issues a statement confirming the government approved the deal, which Hebrew media outlets report 24 ministers voted in favor of and eight opposed.
The statement adds that the deal will enter into force on Sunday, when the first three Israeli hostages are to be freed. Thirty-three hostages are to be freed in the first, 42-day phase of the deal.
Now that the government has approved the agreement, opponents of the deal can petition the High Court of Justice against the release of Palestinian security prisoners who are set to be freed, though the court is unlikely to intervene.
The process for receiving the lists will proceed as follows:
-
The lists are transferred from Hamas to the Prime Minister of Qatar approximately 24 hours before the release.
-
The list is approved by the negotiation team, and the recommendation is forwarded to the Prime Minister for final approval.
-
After the list is approved, the negotiation team updates the POW/MIA Coordinator, Gal Hirsch.
-
Families are notified by the POW/MIA Coordinator and the Hostage Directorate.
-
The IDF and Shin Bet prepare to receive the hostages the following day.
-
The public is asked to demonstrate patience and resilience.
-
There is a high likelihood of violations and manipulations by Hamas starting from day one.
-
Hamas is a terrorist organization and will employ psychological terror tactics on the Israeli public and families throughout the duration of the deal.
-
It is not possible to commit to fixed times for receiving the list or the arrival of hostages. Delays are expected (as part of the violations).
-
- Hamas slated to provide list on Saturday of 3 hostages to be released on SundayThe hostage deal stipulates that Hamas provide Israel with the names of the hostages it will release 24 hours in advance.This means that tomorrow, Hamas will provide the names of the three Israelis slated for release on Sunday.The three are widely expected to be among the list of female civilians.
- Former hostage negotiator: 'A bad deal is better than no deal'
The ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas does not address several issues, including an end to the war in Gaza. But former Israeli hostage negotiator Gershon Baskin says that it's better than no deal.
And, Gavin Kelleher, access manager in Gaza for the Norwegian Refugee Council, explains how a ceasefire will impact aid delivery to Gaza.
Then, President Biden gave his farewell address on Wednesday. The New Yorker's Susan Glasser reflects on Biden's domestic and foreign policy legacy. link to NPR interview with Gershon Baskin
CBC News Network's Aarti Pole speaks with Gershon Baskin about Israel-Hamas ceasefire hostage deal. video interview of Gershon Baskin about the hostage deal
Israel to release 1,904 Palestinian prisoners and detainees in 1st stage of deal
In the first stage of the ceasefire and hostage deal with Hamas, Israel is expected to be releasing a total of 1,904 Palestinian prisoners.
They include 737 detainees and security prisoners, including numerous terrorists serving life sentences for murder, among them members of Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Palestinian Authority’s ruling Fatah movement, along with women and children being held in Israeli jails.
Israel will also be releasing 1,167 Palestinians detained in the Gaza Strip during the IDF’s ground offensive, who did not participate in the October 7, 2023, onslaught.
On Sunday, the first three female hostages from the list of 33 humanitarian cases — a category made up of women, children, elderly individuals, and the infirm — are set to be released.
The other 30 hostages on the list will be released each Saturday until the end of the 42-day deal.
The hostages will be released in exchange for a number of Palestinian prisoners detailed in the terms of the deal.
For each of the living women, children and elderly, 30 Palestinian prisoners will be released; for all nine sick hostages, 110 prisoners will be released; for each of the female IDF soldiers, 50 prisoners will be released; for hostages Avera Mengistu and Hisham al-Sayed, who have been held in Gaza for a decade, 30 prisoners will be released for each, in addition to 47 Palestinians released in the 2011 Gilad Shalit deal and re-arrested; and for the bodies of hostages in the first stage, Israel will release the 1,000+ Gazan detainees.
Majority of public backs continuing hostage deal after first phase — poll
A majority of the Israeli public supports continuing the hostage deal into the second phase, a poll aired on the Kan public broadcaster says.
Fifty-five percent of the public wants the deal to continue, even though that means ending the war, the poll reveals. Twenty-seven percent of the public believes the war should resume after the first phase while 18% say they don’t know.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had previously pledged to continue the war until Hamas’s military and governing capabilities have been dismantled. He has reportedly indicated to far-right ministers in his cabinet that he still plans to do so after the first phase.
The Likud party even issued a statement yesterday claiming that US President-elect Donald Trump has given Netanyahu assurances that Israel will be able to resume fighting after the first phase.
During the first phase, Israel and Hamas are supposed to hold negotiations regarding the terms of the second phase during which the remaining living hostages will be released. The mediators will serve as guarantors to ensure that the parties remain at the table until an agreement on the second phase is reached, allowing the ceasefire to extend. The second phase would conclude with a permanent ceasefire.
The Kan poll also shows that 62% of the public supports the deal thus far, compared to 18% who are opposed and 20% who said they are undecided.
Even among coalition voters, 45% of respondents support the deal, compared to 30% who oppose it.
However, 46% of coalition voters believe that Israel should resume fighting in the second phase, in apparent violation of the deal’s terms and at the expense of the hostages slated to be released then. Thirty-five percent of coalition voters back continuing the deal into the second phase and 19% of them said they don’t know.
Forty percent of the public thinks there’s a medium chance that the deal will extend into the second phase while 23% think there’s a low chance that it will and 21% think there’s a high chance. Sixteen percent said they were unsure.
Asked which party was responsible for the fact that it took nearly 470 days to reach the agreement, 36% said it was Hamas, 25% said it was Israel, 22% said both sides equally while 17% said they didn’t know.
Gaza and the South
- Gaza’s Hamas-run health ministry says 88 killed in last 24 hoursBy AFPGaza’s Hamas-run health ministry says that 88 people were killed in the Palestinian territory in the previous 24 hours, taking the overall war death toll to 46,876.
The ministry says that at least 110,642 people have been wounded in more than 15 months of war between Israel and Hamas, sparked by the Palestinian terror group’s October 7, 2023 attack.
Israel insists that it doesn’t target civilians, whereas Hamas hides and fights among them.
- Islamic Jihad warns intensified IDF strikes before ceasefire could kill Israeli hostages
Palestinian Islamic Jihad warns that continued Israeli strikes in Gaza could kill hostages ahead of their release.
Israeli hostages’ families should ask the Israeli military to stop intensified strikes in the final hours before a ceasefire takes effect as this “would be reason for killing their children,” PIJ military wing spokesman Abu Hamza says.
Islamic Jihad also holds hostages along with Hamas.
The ceasefire goes into effect at 8 a.m. tomorrow.
"Idle, Humiliated, and Angry": How Hamas Recruits a New Generation of Terrorists
Between promises of a $50 salary and ideological solidarity, Hamas managed to recruit numerous new operatives during the war, most of them young and inexperienced. U.S. officials estimate that Hamas recruited as many fighters in northern Gaza as it lost, while Israeli sources suggest there are over 20,000 active militants in the organization. How does Yahya Sinwar manage to build a new generation of recruits? Why do methods that work in the West Bank not necessarily succeed in Gaza? And what role does the IDF's combat strategy play?
"We came here and encountered an enemy system that had studied our methods," said Major A., an officer in Brigade 401, as he surveyed the ruins of what was once Jabalia. "We hadn't been here for ten months, and the militants learned and prepared," he added, while Brigade 162 forces maneuvered behind him through the maze of alleys and tunnels that was once Gaza's largest refugee camp in the north. Just eight months ago, in May of last year, the IDF declared the mission in the area complete. In early October, they returned for the third time since the war began—a war now pausing for a hostage deal.
What is Hamas' state as the ceasefire, expected to begin early next week and last for at least 42 days, comes into effect? And what forces does it still have?
More than a year ago, Brigadier General Itzik Cohen, Commander of the 162nd Division, declared that "Hamas' northern brigade has been dismantled." However, the reality on the ground tells a different story. In two previous offensives on Jabalia, the IDF did not venture deep into urban areas, leaving the extensive underground network beneath the surface largely intact. This network housed massive stockpiles of weapons and ammunition, alongside thousands of Hamas fighters.
Despite repeated attacks and hard-earned victories, the IDF notes Hamas' efforts to rebuild its fighting brigades in northern Gaza—brigades the military claimed to have dismantled. On the evening the ceasefire was announced, some Hamas operatives even took to the streets, declaring, "We are here, and we will remain."
"Hamas exploits Gaza's dire humanitarian situation to recruit new operatives," explains Prof. Kobi Michael, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and the Misgav Institute, in an interview with N12 Magazine. "The organization controls nearly all humanitarian aid entering Gaza and prioritizes its own needs. A salary of $50–$100 a month, plus family assistance, baby diapers, and basic food supplies—this is like touching heaven for Gazans."
In a briefing to the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, figures were presented: between 20,000 and 23,000 militants are currently active in Gaza. About 9,000 are organized within Hamas' northern and southern brigades, 7,000–10,000 operate in an unorganized manner, and around 4,000 belong to Islamic Jihad and other groups.
Amid figures indicating the failure of the "mowing the grass" strategy, Defense Minister Israel Katz instructed the IDF and the Chief of Staff to "present a plan for the decisive defeat of Hamas in Gaza if the organization does not release the hostages by the time President Trump assumes office." Even after learning of the figures, Katz used the campaign against Hamas in Gaza as a case study, declaring, "We will not allow the West Bank to become Gaza or southern Lebanon. Anyone who commits terrorism like in Gaza will be dealt with like in Gaza."
The reality is that while Hamas' core leadership has been significantly diminished and its command-and-control mechanisms disrupted, the organization manages to retain certain capabilities. "They operate in a terror-guerrilla format and achieve some results," says Michael. "I also believe they’ve improved their self-production capabilities. The explosives they scatter around—some may have been stored from previous stockpiles, but a significant portion is likely being produced now."
Earlier this week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken confirmed what Israel already knows: Hamas has recruited almost as many militants in northern Gaza as it has lost. According to data revealed by Yaron Avraham on Channel 12 News earlier this month, despite over a year of fighting and declarations about dismantling Hamas’ military structure, the pace of new recruitments outstrips the neutralization of its fighting force.
Recruitment at Funerals and Mosques
The Wall Street Journal revealed earlier this week how the terror group recruits new militants during wartime, including young men with no combat experience. According to the report, the IDF believes Hamas has recruited hundreds in recent months, focusing its efforts on northern Gaza. Arab sources estimate the number could reach thousands. "They receive clear instructions—go to a specific point, dig a hole, and plant an explosive," describes Michael. "From there, two outcomes are possible: either they return safely or lose their lives on the mission."
Major General (Res.) Gershon HaCohen, former commander of the IDF's General Staff Corps, views Hamas’ recruitment process as a classic example of the metamorphosis of a terror organization. "It adapts to the new reality," he explains, "just as in Iraq and Afghanistan, where the U.S. Army achieved decisive victories, yet guerrilla systems reorganized, and the U.S. suffered over 4,000 fatalities from IEDs. You don’t need an organized army to lay a roadside bomb."
HaCohen emphasizes it’s a mistake to view Hamas merely as a terror group controlling a population. "The people and the terror are intertwined. It’s not just a terror organization; it’s a national-religious movement that resonates deeply with hearts, and those who join do so out of faith, not just for bread."
This distinction is especially stark compared to Lebanon's terror army: "Hezbollah has entered a kind of distress mentality because it couldn't mobilize its reserve forces during combat. Hamas, on the other hand, has stronger national cohesion due to its ideological identity, refugee consciousness, and the homogeneous nature of its population."
According to the report, Hamas's new operatives are working in small "hit-and-run" cells of individuals. They attack IDF forces using rifles and anti-tank missiles — weapons that require minimal military training. Hamas "persuades" these young recruits with promises of food, assistance, and medical care for them and their families. Organization members also attend funerals and prayer gatherings in the Strip to recruit individuals, while simultaneously engaging in theft of humanitarian aid.
The new recruits are far from the trained Nukhba operatives who invaded on October 7, or even the members of Hamas's regional brigades. "These are young guys who receive no significant military training because there's no way to provide such training," Michael explains. "They undergo very basic training and are used as cannon fodder. They’re currently idle and struggling. It’s easy to lure them with a basic salary and humanitarian aid for their families. Some also join for ideological reasons — their family members were killed, they're angry at what Israel is doing, feel humiliated, and believe in the idea of 'resistance.'"
Hamas's recruitment campaign, led by Mohammed Sinwar, the younger brother of the deceased Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, poses a challenge to Israeli strategy. The new operatives return to previously targeted areas and attempt to rebuild them, forcing the IDF to re-enter those locations repeatedly. "Handing someone a Kalashnikov and telling them to lie in an abandoned building as a sniper isn’t very complicated," explains Shalom Ben Hanan, a former senior Shin Bet official. "No one expects them to win a war, just to kill a few soldiers."
Harsh criticism has also been leveled at the army's pace of eliminations. "When we manage to eliminate only a few hundred terrorists at a time out of 23,000, there's a problem with the pace," says Ben Hanan. He cites the raid on Kamal Adwan Hospital, where 240 terrorists were arrested: "While capturing 240 terrorists is significant, we need to look at the bigger picture — it’s less than 1% of Hamas's manpower, and this was said to be the largest concentration of terrorists captured since the war began."
The bigger issue, according to Ben Hanan, is that Hamas's central force wasn't defeated before the ceasefire, while Islamic Jihad has maintained its numerical strength since the war began, with about 4,000 fighters. Despite the group holding Israeli hostages, the elimination of senior leaders within its ranks has been rare. "It’s unacceptable for a country with such a strong military, with such significant power disparities against the enemy, to say it cannot decisively defeat them. If we cannot defeat them, why did we go to war?" he asks.
In response to the criticism over the pace of eliminations, the IDF has presented data on the scale of the damage inflicted on Hamas: since the start of the war, approximately 14,000 terrorists have been eliminated with high certainty, and another 3,000 with medium-to-low probability. Among the organization’s command ranks, around 165 company commanders, 30 battalion commanders, and about eight brigade-level commanders or higher have been killed.
The military notes that since Hamas conceals the number of casualties, extensive intelligence work is being conducted to estimate the precise number of terrorists killed. However, the IDF avoids providing an updated estimate of the total number of terrorists currently active in the Strip.
"Without the IDF, they have no chance"
Security officials, who revealed the number of terrorists fighting against IDF forces, warned that unless another entity steps into Gaza, the rate of terrorist recruitment will continue ("regardless of how forcefully the IDF operates in the Strip"). However, they did not explain how an alternative governing authority could be established when tens of thousands of armed terrorists are present in the region. "An operational entity cannot simply throw out the recruitment data and say, 'Deal with it,'" says Ben Hanan. "If, after months of fighting, we're receiving reports of increased terrorist recruitment, someone needs to propose a solution. Even if the reality is complex, this situation cannot be accepted."
Regarding a governing alternative to Hamas, Cohen is adamant: "Even if the Palestinian Authority were to step in, it wouldn’t stand a chance without the IDF, let alone the Saudis or Emiratis." He predicts that any entity entering Gaza would end up like Fatah operatives who were thrown from rooftops in 2007, perhaps in a more subtle way. "It’s possible they’d maintain a sort of symbiosis, like in Iraq or Lebanon," he says. "It would be a hybrid entity with the facade of a legitimate state while armed groups operate behind the scenes. This only makes it harder to identify the system as terrorist, because it has the appearance of legitimacy."
"Whack-a-Mole": The IDF's Method and the Criticism
It has often been claimed that the strategy in the Strip, whereby forces repeatedly enter areas where Hamas raises its head, is ineffective — allowing the terror organization to rebuild its capabilities and replenish its ranks whenever the IDF leaves the area, as is expected to happen more frequently during the ceasefire. U.S. officials who spoke with The New York Times as early as August expressed doubts about the effectiveness of the IDF's strategy in the Strip, described in the article as "whack-a-mole."
According to them, the issue lies in Hamas's ability to hide its operatives among civilians or within its extensive tunnel network. Although Israel has damaged the tunnel network and disabled some of Hamas's major command centers, the sources emphasized that "the tunnel network in Gaza is far larger than Israel anticipated, and it remains an effective way for Hamas to hide its leaders and move its personnel."
U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Charles Brown also criticized Israel's combat strategy in the Strip. In an interview with Politico, he noted that IDF forces entered northern Gaza areas but did not hold them after capturing them, enabling Hamas operatives to return. Brown stated that after capturing territory, it must be held and stabilized to prevent the enemy from returning and re-establishing itself.
"Practically speaking, that’s correct," Cohen believes. "When you leave, you're not only allowing Hamas to return like water flowing back in, but also enabling a system that re-establishes obstacles, and then you repeatedly pay the price of entry. It’s a dilemma. Even if you stay in the area, you eventually become a target — as happened to the Americans. The Chief of Staff is well aware of these considerations, along with other equally valid ones."
Ben Hanan explains that each time the IDF leaves an area, Hamas re-establishes its capabilities there — recruiting individuals, planting explosives, and arming itself. In the West Bank, the raid strategy works better, but there, the Palestinian Authority still carries out counterterrorism and governance activities. "I want to be modest," he qualifies, "especially as someone sitting under fluorescent lights while others are in the battlefield. Maybe there’s no other option, but I don’t think anyone has convincingly explained the rationale behind capturing and vacating certain areas, only to see Hamas's capabilities quickly restored there."
"No need to charge forward, just press a button"
For years, Hamas has developed combat methods that do not require direct contact with IDF forces and are easy to teach new operatives. "They’ve built an entire underground city designed for ambushes and survival-based warfare," Ben Hanan says. "This isn’t a squad charging forward at an IDF team — there’s almost no such thing. They’ve developed tools that improve the survival of their operatives, so deploying weapons doesn’t necessarily expose them."
According to Ben Hanan, the terror organization relies on basic, inexpensive civilian technology. "You take simple cameras, commercial drones, and sensors that cost a few hundred dollars, place them in a structure, and sit in a remote location. It’s enough for the operative to be several kilometers away from the explosive device to activate it with the press of a button on a phone. This makes locating and targeting them extremely difficult."
"The residual capabilities of Hamas, even if limited compared to what we knew before October 7, can still be deadly," Michael explains. For example, in northern Gaza, despite the area being nearly devoid of civilians, humanitarian aid continues to enter — and attempts to recruit clans to manage its distribution have failed. Hamas eliminates any attempt to resist its control, at best shooting people in the legs and at worst killing them. All this happens while Israel operates with precision and refrains from destroying buildings before entering them. The result: Hamas remains determined and continues fighting, and Israel pays a painful price." link. There are so many incorrect assessments in this article and I will focus on just a few. The first by Gershon HaCohen, who has always been a strong advocate against the PA. His statement "The people and the terror are intertwined. It’s not just a terror organization; it’s a national-religious movement that resonates deeply with hearts, and those who join do so out of faith, not just for bread" is so off base. The people of Gaza have been intertwined in Hamas due to necessity. Up until this war, Hamas controlled everything, from garbage collection to supplying groceries, control over the banks, schools, hospitals, all medical care. No one could live in Gaza without having to deal with and rely on Hamas. However, the majority of the population was against Hamas and wanted a major change. Very few of them said that outloud and those that did were arrested, tortured and many killed. Hamas was and is an autocratic governing body which doesn't allow freedoms. In the last anonymous online poll conducted in Gaza a few months before October 7, approximately 85% of those interviewed wanted Hamas out of their lives. That number is probably higher today as most Gazans blame Hamas for the destruction to Gaza and their lives. With that being said, it is very easy to recruit for Hamas today. Gaza is destroyed. There is total unemployment, 2 million refugees who have lost everything. Food prices have skyrocketed and Hamas controls most of the food supplies from hijacking the humanitarian aid (our fault that this has happened and Netanyahu's continued fault for not doing much about it). Hamas sells the aid to the markets at exorbitant prices and the people can't afford anything. Then they come to the young people, offer them a little cash, food and medical supplies and in total desperation to save their families, these young people will do anything including join the devil that caused all of their suffering. Yes, there are those who blame Israel and join Hamas for the purpose of revenge but these are the small numbers. The large numbers of due to desperation.
Haim Katz's demands of the IDF to present a plan to decimate Hamas is not only unreasonable, it's impossible. A idea and ideology cannot be destroyed by military might. Quite the opposite. When force is pushed against an ideology, that ideology generally grows stronger. The only way to weaken an extreme ideology is to offer something better, an alternative that gives real hope and progress and builds towards a better life, not in the long future, but in the near term. Netanyahu has fought and prevented any real possible alternative to come into Gaza to take over governing. The only real feasible alternative is the Palestinian Authority which would come in backed by armed support of some of the Gulf States and possibly some of the Western Countries, regain control over all municipal functions and be in charge of the rebuilding of Gaza. This is the only way to defeat Hamas. No plan of Katz or Netanyahu will do it.
Palestinian Islamic Jihad warns that continued Israeli strikes in Gaza could kill hostages ahead of their release.
Israeli hostages’ families should ask the Israeli military to stop intensified strikes in the final hours before a ceasefire takes effect as this “would be reason for killing their children,” PIJ military wing spokesman Abu Hamza says.
Islamic Jihad also holds hostages along with Hamas.
The ceasefire goes into effect at 8 a.m. tomorrow.
"Idle, Humiliated, and Angry": How Hamas Recruits a New Generation of Terrorists
Between promises of a $50 salary and ideological solidarity, Hamas managed to recruit numerous new operatives during the war, most of them young and inexperienced. U.S. officials estimate that Hamas recruited as many fighters in northern Gaza as it lost, while Israeli sources suggest there are over 20,000 active militants in the organization. How does Yahya Sinwar manage to build a new generation of recruits? Why do methods that work in the West Bank not necessarily succeed in Gaza? And what role does the IDF's combat strategy play?
"We came here and encountered an enemy system that had studied our methods," said Major A., an officer in Brigade 401, as he surveyed the ruins of what was once Jabalia. "We hadn't been here for ten months, and the militants learned and prepared," he added, while Brigade 162 forces maneuvered behind him through the maze of alleys and tunnels that was once Gaza's largest refugee camp in the north. Just eight months ago, in May of last year, the IDF declared the mission in the area complete. In early October, they returned for the third time since the war began—a war now pausing for a hostage deal.
What is Hamas' state as the ceasefire, expected to begin early next week and last for at least 42 days, comes into effect? And what forces does it still have?
More than a year ago, Brigadier General Itzik Cohen, Commander of the 162nd Division, declared that "Hamas' northern brigade has been dismantled." However, the reality on the ground tells a different story. In two previous offensives on Jabalia, the IDF did not venture deep into urban areas, leaving the extensive underground network beneath the surface largely intact. This network housed massive stockpiles of weapons and ammunition, alongside thousands of Hamas fighters.
Despite repeated attacks and hard-earned victories, the IDF notes Hamas' efforts to rebuild its fighting brigades in northern Gaza—brigades the military claimed to have dismantled. On the evening the ceasefire was announced, some Hamas operatives even took to the streets, declaring, "We are here, and we will remain."
"Hamas exploits Gaza's dire humanitarian situation to recruit new operatives," explains Prof. Kobi Michael, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and the Misgav Institute, in an interview with N12 Magazine. "The organization controls nearly all humanitarian aid entering Gaza and prioritizes its own needs. A salary of $50–$100 a month, plus family assistance, baby diapers, and basic food supplies—this is like touching heaven for Gazans."
In a briefing to the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, figures were presented: between 20,000 and 23,000 militants are currently active in Gaza. About 9,000 are organized within Hamas' northern and southern brigades, 7,000–10,000 operate in an unorganized manner, and around 4,000 belong to Islamic Jihad and other groups.
Amid figures indicating the failure of the "mowing the grass" strategy, Defense Minister Israel Katz instructed the IDF and the Chief of Staff to "present a plan for the decisive defeat of Hamas in Gaza if the organization does not release the hostages by the time President Trump assumes office." Even after learning of the figures, Katz used the campaign against Hamas in Gaza as a case study, declaring, "We will not allow the West Bank to become Gaza or southern Lebanon. Anyone who commits terrorism like in Gaza will be dealt with like in Gaza."
The reality is that while Hamas' core leadership has been significantly diminished and its command-and-control mechanisms disrupted, the organization manages to retain certain capabilities. "They operate in a terror-guerrilla format and achieve some results," says Michael. "I also believe they’ve improved their self-production capabilities. The explosives they scatter around—some may have been stored from previous stockpiles, but a significant portion is likely being produced now."
Earlier this week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken confirmed what Israel already knows: Hamas has recruited almost as many militants in northern Gaza as it has lost. According to data revealed by Yaron Avraham on Channel 12 News earlier this month, despite over a year of fighting and declarations about dismantling Hamas’ military structure, the pace of new recruitments outstrips the neutralization of its fighting force.
Recruitment at Funerals and Mosques
The Wall Street Journal revealed earlier this week how the terror group recruits new militants during wartime, including young men with no combat experience. According to the report, the IDF believes Hamas has recruited hundreds in recent months, focusing its efforts on northern Gaza. Arab sources estimate the number could reach thousands. "They receive clear instructions—go to a specific point, dig a hole, and plant an explosive," describes Michael. "From there, two outcomes are possible: either they return safely or lose their lives on the mission."
Major General (Res.) Gershon HaCohen, former commander of the IDF's General Staff Corps, views Hamas’ recruitment process as a classic example of the metamorphosis of a terror organization. "It adapts to the new reality," he explains, "just as in Iraq and Afghanistan, where the U.S. Army achieved decisive victories, yet guerrilla systems reorganized, and the U.S. suffered over 4,000 fatalities from IEDs. You don’t need an organized army to lay a roadside bomb."
HaCohen emphasizes it’s a mistake to view Hamas merely as a terror group controlling a population. "The people and the terror are intertwined. It’s not just a terror organization; it’s a national-religious movement that resonates deeply with hearts, and those who join do so out of faith, not just for bread."
This distinction is especially stark compared to Lebanon's terror army: "Hezbollah has entered a kind of distress mentality because it couldn't mobilize its reserve forces during combat. Hamas, on the other hand, has stronger national cohesion due to its ideological identity, refugee consciousness, and the homogeneous nature of its population."
According to the report, Hamas's new operatives are working in small "hit-and-run" cells of individuals. They attack IDF forces using rifles and anti-tank missiles — weapons that require minimal military training. Hamas "persuades" these young recruits with promises of food, assistance, and medical care for them and their families. Organization members also attend funerals and prayer gatherings in the Strip to recruit individuals, while simultaneously engaging in theft of humanitarian aid.
The new recruits are far from the trained Nukhba operatives who invaded on October 7, or even the members of Hamas's regional brigades. "These are young guys who receive no significant military training because there's no way to provide such training," Michael explains. "They undergo very basic training and are used as cannon fodder. They’re currently idle and struggling. It’s easy to lure them with a basic salary and humanitarian aid for their families. Some also join for ideological reasons — their family members were killed, they're angry at what Israel is doing, feel humiliated, and believe in the idea of 'resistance.'"
Hamas's recruitment campaign, led by Mohammed Sinwar, the younger brother of the deceased Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, poses a challenge to Israeli strategy. The new operatives return to previously targeted areas and attempt to rebuild them, forcing the IDF to re-enter those locations repeatedly. "Handing someone a Kalashnikov and telling them to lie in an abandoned building as a sniper isn’t very complicated," explains Shalom Ben Hanan, a former senior Shin Bet official. "No one expects them to win a war, just to kill a few soldiers."
Harsh criticism has also been leveled at the army's pace of eliminations. "When we manage to eliminate only a few hundred terrorists at a time out of 23,000, there's a problem with the pace," says Ben Hanan. He cites the raid on Kamal Adwan Hospital, where 240 terrorists were arrested: "While capturing 240 terrorists is significant, we need to look at the bigger picture — it’s less than 1% of Hamas's manpower, and this was said to be the largest concentration of terrorists captured since the war began."
The bigger issue, according to Ben Hanan, is that Hamas's central force wasn't defeated before the ceasefire, while Islamic Jihad has maintained its numerical strength since the war began, with about 4,000 fighters. Despite the group holding Israeli hostages, the elimination of senior leaders within its ranks has been rare. "It’s unacceptable for a country with such a strong military, with such significant power disparities against the enemy, to say it cannot decisively defeat them. If we cannot defeat them, why did we go to war?" he asks.
In response to the criticism over the pace of eliminations, the IDF has presented data on the scale of the damage inflicted on Hamas: since the start of the war, approximately 14,000 terrorists have been eliminated with high certainty, and another 3,000 with medium-to-low probability. Among the organization’s command ranks, around 165 company commanders, 30 battalion commanders, and about eight brigade-level commanders or higher have been killed.
The military notes that since Hamas conceals the number of casualties, extensive intelligence work is being conducted to estimate the precise number of terrorists killed. However, the IDF avoids providing an updated estimate of the total number of terrorists currently active in the Strip.
"Without the IDF, they have no chance"
Security officials, who revealed the number of terrorists fighting against IDF forces, warned that unless another entity steps into Gaza, the rate of terrorist recruitment will continue ("regardless of how forcefully the IDF operates in the Strip"). However, they did not explain how an alternative governing authority could be established when tens of thousands of armed terrorists are present in the region. "An operational entity cannot simply throw out the recruitment data and say, 'Deal with it,'" says Ben Hanan. "If, after months of fighting, we're receiving reports of increased terrorist recruitment, someone needs to propose a solution. Even if the reality is complex, this situation cannot be accepted."
Regarding a governing alternative to Hamas, Cohen is adamant: "Even if the Palestinian Authority were to step in, it wouldn’t stand a chance without the IDF, let alone the Saudis or Emiratis." He predicts that any entity entering Gaza would end up like Fatah operatives who were thrown from rooftops in 2007, perhaps in a more subtle way. "It’s possible they’d maintain a sort of symbiosis, like in Iraq or Lebanon," he says. "It would be a hybrid entity with the facade of a legitimate state while armed groups operate behind the scenes. This only makes it harder to identify the system as terrorist, because it has the appearance of legitimacy."
"Whack-a-Mole": The IDF's Method and the Criticism
It has often been claimed that the strategy in the Strip, whereby forces repeatedly enter areas where Hamas raises its head, is ineffective — allowing the terror organization to rebuild its capabilities and replenish its ranks whenever the IDF leaves the area, as is expected to happen more frequently during the ceasefire. U.S. officials who spoke with The New York Times as early as August expressed doubts about the effectiveness of the IDF's strategy in the Strip, described in the article as "whack-a-mole."
According to them, the issue lies in Hamas's ability to hide its operatives among civilians or within its extensive tunnel network. Although Israel has damaged the tunnel network and disabled some of Hamas's major command centers, the sources emphasized that "the tunnel network in Gaza is far larger than Israel anticipated, and it remains an effective way for Hamas to hide its leaders and move its personnel."
U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Charles Brown also criticized Israel's combat strategy in the Strip. In an interview with Politico, he noted that IDF forces entered northern Gaza areas but did not hold them after capturing them, enabling Hamas operatives to return. Brown stated that after capturing territory, it must be held and stabilized to prevent the enemy from returning and re-establishing itself.
"Practically speaking, that’s correct," Cohen believes. "When you leave, you're not only allowing Hamas to return like water flowing back in, but also enabling a system that re-establishes obstacles, and then you repeatedly pay the price of entry. It’s a dilemma. Even if you stay in the area, you eventually become a target — as happened to the Americans. The Chief of Staff is well aware of these considerations, along with other equally valid ones."
Ben Hanan explains that each time the IDF leaves an area, Hamas re-establishes its capabilities there — recruiting individuals, planting explosives, and arming itself. In the West Bank, the raid strategy works better, but there, the Palestinian Authority still carries out counterterrorism and governance activities. "I want to be modest," he qualifies, "especially as someone sitting under fluorescent lights while others are in the battlefield. Maybe there’s no other option, but I don’t think anyone has convincingly explained the rationale behind capturing and vacating certain areas, only to see Hamas's capabilities quickly restored there."
"No need to charge forward, just press a button"
For years, Hamas has developed combat methods that do not require direct contact with IDF forces and are easy to teach new operatives. "They’ve built an entire underground city designed for ambushes and survival-based warfare," Ben Hanan says. "This isn’t a squad charging forward at an IDF team — there’s almost no such thing. They’ve developed tools that improve the survival of their operatives, so deploying weapons doesn’t necessarily expose them."
According to Ben Hanan, the terror organization relies on basic, inexpensive civilian technology. "You take simple cameras, commercial drones, and sensors that cost a few hundred dollars, place them in a structure, and sit in a remote location. It’s enough for the operative to be several kilometers away from the explosive device to activate it with the press of a button on a phone. This makes locating and targeting them extremely difficult."
"The residual capabilities of Hamas, even if limited compared to what we knew before October 7, can still be deadly," Michael explains. For example, in northern Gaza, despite the area being nearly devoid of civilians, humanitarian aid continues to enter — and attempts to recruit clans to manage its distribution have failed. Hamas eliminates any attempt to resist its control, at best shooting people in the legs and at worst killing them. All this happens while Israel operates with precision and refrains from destroying buildings before entering them. The result: Hamas remains determined and continues fighting, and Israel pays a painful price." link. There are so many incorrect assessments in this article and I will focus on just a few. The first by Gershon HaCohen, who has always been a strong advocate against the PA. His statement "The people and the terror are intertwined. It’s not just a terror organization; it’s a national-religious movement that resonates deeply with hearts, and those who join do so out of faith, not just for bread" is so off base. The people of Gaza have been intertwined in Hamas due to necessity. Up until this war, Hamas controlled everything, from garbage collection to supplying groceries, control over the banks, schools, hospitals, all medical care. No one could live in Gaza without having to deal with and rely on Hamas. However, the majority of the population was against Hamas and wanted a major change. Very few of them said that outloud and those that did were arrested, tortured and many killed. Hamas was and is an autocratic governing body which doesn't allow freedoms. In the last anonymous online poll conducted in Gaza a few months before October 7, approximately 85% of those interviewed wanted Hamas out of their lives. That number is probably higher today as most Gazans blame Hamas for the destruction to Gaza and their lives. With that being said, it is very easy to recruit for Hamas today. Gaza is destroyed. There is total unemployment, 2 million refugees who have lost everything. Food prices have skyrocketed and Hamas controls most of the food supplies from hijacking the humanitarian aid (our fault that this has happened and Netanyahu's continued fault for not doing much about it). Hamas sells the aid to the markets at exorbitant prices and the people can't afford anything. Then they come to the young people, offer them a little cash, food and medical supplies and in total desperation to save their families, these young people will do anything including join the devil that caused all of their suffering. Yes, there are those who blame Israel and join Hamas for the purpose of revenge but these are the small numbers. The large numbers of due to desperation.
Haim Katz's demands of the IDF to present a plan to decimate Hamas is not only unreasonable, it's impossible. A idea and ideology cannot be destroyed by military might. Quite the opposite. When force is pushed against an ideology, that ideology generally grows stronger. The only way to weaken an extreme ideology is to offer something better, an alternative that gives real hope and progress and builds towards a better life, not in the long future, but in the near term. Netanyahu has fought and prevented any real possible alternative to come into Gaza to take over governing. The only real feasible alternative is the Palestinian Authority which would come in backed by armed support of some of the Gulf States and possibly some of the Western Countries, regain control over all municipal functions and be in charge of the rebuilding of Gaza. This is the only way to defeat Hamas. No plan of Katz or Netanyahu will do it.
Northern Israel - Lebanon/Hizbollah/Syria
- UN Chief pledges international support as Lebanon rebuilds
AntΓ³nio Guterres says the international community will back Lebanon “for what we believe will be a speedy recovery of this country, making it again the center of the Middle East.” - Lebanon’s new president stresses urgency of Israeli withdrawal from south under truce deal
Lebanon’s new president Joseph Aoun stresses to United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres the urgency of an Israeli military withdrawal as stipulated by a ceasefire deal that ended the Israel-Hezbollah war in November.
According to a statement by the Lebanese presidency on X, Aoun tells Guterres during a meeting in Beirut that continued Israeli breaches were a violation of Lebanese sovereignty and the agreed ceasefire deal.
The ceasefire, which took effect on Nov. 27 and was brokered by the United States and France, requires Israeli forces to withdraw from southern Lebanon within 60 days, and for Hezbollah to remove all its fighters and weapons from the south.
Guterres says the UN would exert utmost efforts to secure an Israeli withdrawal within the set deadline under the ceasefire terms, according to the statement.
He had said on Friday the Israeli military’s continued occupation of territory in south Lebanon and the conduct of military operations in Lebanese territory were violations of a UN resolution upon which the ceasefire is based.
Israel denies violating the ceasefire agreement and says continued strikes have hit Hezbollah fighters ignoring the accord under which they must halt attacks and withdraw beyond the Litani River, about 30 km (18 miles) from the border with Israel.
Israel says it only acts when the Lebanese army or the UN observers refuse to intervene.
US pledges $117 million in aid for Lebanon’s armed forces amid Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire
The United States announces it will donate more than $117 million in security assistance for Lebanon’s armed forces, as the crisis-hit country seeks to implement a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah.
The State Department says in a statement that it had convened a “virtual donors meeting” on Thursday “with partners and allies to discuss critical security assistance needed for Lebanon to fully implement the cessation of hostilities.”
It says the new assistance to Beirut will support both the country’s armed forces and internal security forces “as they work to assert Lebanese sovereignty across the country.”
AntΓ³nio Guterres says the international community will back Lebanon “for what we believe will be a speedy recovery of this country, making it again the center of the Middle East.”
Lebanon’s new president Joseph Aoun stresses to United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres the urgency of an Israeli military withdrawal as stipulated by a ceasefire deal that ended the Israel-Hezbollah war in November.
According to a statement by the Lebanese presidency on X, Aoun tells Guterres during a meeting in Beirut that continued Israeli breaches were a violation of Lebanese sovereignty and the agreed ceasefire deal.
The ceasefire, which took effect on Nov. 27 and was brokered by the United States and France, requires Israeli forces to withdraw from southern Lebanon within 60 days, and for Hezbollah to remove all its fighters and weapons from the south.
Guterres says the UN would exert utmost efforts to secure an Israeli withdrawal within the set deadline under the ceasefire terms, according to the statement.
He had said on Friday the Israeli military’s continued occupation of territory in south Lebanon and the conduct of military operations in Lebanese territory were violations of a UN resolution upon which the ceasefire is based.
Israel denies violating the ceasefire agreement and says continued strikes have hit Hezbollah fighters ignoring the accord under which they must halt attacks and withdraw beyond the Litani River, about 30 km (18 miles) from the border with Israel.
Israel says it only acts when the Lebanese army or the UN observers refuse to intervene.
US pledges $117 million in aid for Lebanon’s armed forces amid Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire
The United States announces it will donate more than $117 million in security assistance for Lebanon’s armed forces, as the crisis-hit country seeks to implement a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah.
The State Department says in a statement that it had convened a “virtual donors meeting” on Thursday “with partners and allies to discuss critical security assistance needed for Lebanon to fully implement the cessation of hostilities.”
It says the new assistance to Beirut will support both the country’s armed forces and internal security forces “as they work to assert Lebanese sovereignty across the country.”
West Bank and Jerusalem and Terror attacks within Israel
PA makes deal with Jenin Battalion, ending standoff in northern West Bank city and camp
The Palestinian Authority has reached an agreement with the Jenin Battalion that will end over a month-long standoff in the northern West Bank city and adjacent refugee camp, a Palestinian official confirms to The Times of Israel.
The PA has been conducting a counterterrorism operation in Jenin since last month, targeting the so-called Jenin Battalion, which is made up of operatives affiliated with terror groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Ramallah has blamed Iran for funding and arming the Jenin Battalion and other armed factions throughout the West Bank. Fifteen Palestinians were reportedly killed throughout the operation, including six members of the PA security forces, eight civilians, and one terror suspect. A handful of Jenin Battalion members have also been arrested by PA forces.
The armed groups have gained significant prominence in the northern West Bank over the past several years, with the PA seen to have largely lost control over the area.
The PA launched its counterterrorism operation ahead of US President-elect Donald Trump’s return to the White House, as it seeks to demonstrate its ability to maintain stability in the West Bank.
Early on in the operation, the Jenin Battalion managed to steal a pair of vehicles belonging to the PA security forces, who subsequently intensified the raid of the refugee camp.
While the operation has continued, the sides have held negotiations aimed at reaching a truce under which the armed groups would hand over their weapons in exchange for immunity.
A deal was on the verge of being reached early this week, but talks blew up following a pair of Israeli airstrikes in the camp on Tuesday and Wednesday that killed 12 people including civilians, two Palestinian officials told The Times of Israel on Thursday.
The IDF had held off on conducting any strikes or raids in Jenin when the PA began its raid but ended that policy this week.
One of the Palestinian officials speculated that the decision was pushed by far-right elements in the Israeli military and government who don’t want the PA to succeed in its effort.
The official said the strikes may have also been designed to scuttle the brewing truce — something that Ramallah believes would significantly calm tensions in the northern West Bank.
The talks resumed later Thursday, and the sides managed to reach an agreement Friday evening, the official says.
The deal requires specific members of the Jenin Battalion to hand over their weapons and allows the PA to operate freely in the refugee camp, the Palestinian official says.
PA vehicles have already been filmed entering the refugee camp this evening with bomb-squad units to detonate explosives that the Jenin Battalion placed throughout the area to harm Israeli and PA forces.
PA makes deal with Jenin Battalion, ending standoff in northern West Bank city and camp
The Palestinian Authority has reached an agreement with the Jenin Battalion that will end over a month-long standoff in the northern West Bank city and adjacent refugee camp, a Palestinian official confirms to The Times of Israel.
The PA has been conducting a counterterrorism operation in Jenin since last month, targeting the so-called Jenin Battalion, which is made up of operatives affiliated with terror groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Ramallah has blamed Iran for funding and arming the Jenin Battalion and other armed factions throughout the West Bank. Fifteen Palestinians were reportedly killed throughout the operation, including six members of the PA security forces, eight civilians, and one terror suspect. A handful of Jenin Battalion members have also been arrested by PA forces.
The armed groups have gained significant prominence in the northern West Bank over the past several years, with the PA seen to have largely lost control over the area.
The PA launched its counterterrorism operation ahead of US President-elect Donald Trump’s return to the White House, as it seeks to demonstrate its ability to maintain stability in the West Bank.
Early on in the operation, the Jenin Battalion managed to steal a pair of vehicles belonging to the PA security forces, who subsequently intensified the raid of the refugee camp.
While the operation has continued, the sides have held negotiations aimed at reaching a truce under which the armed groups would hand over their weapons in exchange for immunity.
A deal was on the verge of being reached early this week, but talks blew up following a pair of Israeli airstrikes in the camp on Tuesday and Wednesday that killed 12 people including civilians, two Palestinian officials told The Times of Israel on Thursday.
The IDF had held off on conducting any strikes or raids in Jenin when the PA began its raid but ended that policy this week.
One of the Palestinian officials speculated that the decision was pushed by far-right elements in the Israeli military and government who don’t want the PA to succeed in its effort.
The official said the strikes may have also been designed to scuttle the brewing truce — something that Ramallah believes would significantly calm tensions in the northern West Bank.
The talks resumed later Thursday, and the sides managed to reach an agreement Friday evening, the official says.
The deal requires specific members of the Jenin Battalion to hand over their weapons and allows the PA to operate freely in the refugee camp, the Palestinian official says.
PA vehicles have already been filmed entering the refugee camp this evening with bomb-squad units to detonate explosives that the Jenin Battalion placed throughout the area to harm Israeli and PA forces.
Politics and the War (general news)
- Channel 12 reports that Likud’s David Amsalem joined far-right ministers from the Religious Zionism and the Otzma Yehudit party in voting against the deal at today’s earlier security cabinet vote, which passed overwhelmingly.
The network says that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted to cabinet members that Israel will likely resume fighting after the first phase — likely in violation of the deal’s terms — as he seeks to prevent hardline ministers from bolting the government. link Resumption of fighting after the first phase means that Netanyahu is totally giving up on all remaining living hostages and letting them die in captivity. It's as simple as that, all for him to remain Prime Minister.
- Channel 12 reports that Likud’s David Amsalem joined far-right ministers from the Religious Zionism and the Otzma Yehudit party in voting against the deal at today’s earlier security cabinet vote, which passed overwhelmingly.
The network says that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted to cabinet members that Israel will likely resume fighting after the first phase — likely in violation of the deal’s terms — as he seeks to prevent hardline ministers from bolting the government. link Resumption of fighting after the first phase means that Netanyahu is totally giving up on all remaining living hostages and letting them die in captivity. It's as simple as that, all for him to remain Prime Minister.
The Region and the World
- Laying out postwar Gaza vision, Blinken raps Israel’s war strategy, shunning of PA
In lengthy address, outgoing US top diplomat assesses Hamas has recruited as many members as it has lost, criticizes Israel’s refusal to include Ramallah in ‘day after’ plan
A week before the end of his term as US secretary of state, Antony Blinken laid out the vision of the outgoing US administration of Joe Biden for postwar Gaza, contending that it must include a substantial role for the Palestinian Authority, a notion vehemently opposed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.
In a lengthy address at the Atlantic Council that touched on many aspects of the war and the broader state of the Middle East, Blinken offered extended criticism of Israel’s war strategy, particularly its refusal to devise a plan to replace the Hamas terror group, which, he contended, has recruited as many fighters as it has lost in the 15-month war.
Blinken said the outgoing administration would hand over its proposed roadmap to President-elect Donald Trump’s team to pick up, if a ceasefire deal is reached, as Israel and Hamas appeared to be on the brink of such an agreement.
Blinken said he envisions the Palestinian Authority inviting international partners to help establish and run an interim administration responsible for key civil sectors in Gaza, such as banking, water, energy, health, and civil coordination with Israel.
He said the international community would provide funding, technical support, and oversight to this interim administration in Gaza, without elaborating on who exactly would fund the enterprise.
He said the interim panel would be assembled through consultation with communities in Gaza and should include representatives from the Strip along with representatives from the PA.
The committee would work closely with a senior UN official appointed to oversee the international Gaza reconstruction effort. The temporary committee would be replaced by a reformed PA “as soon as it’s feasible.”
An interim security mission would be made up of troops from US-allied countries, along with vetted Palestinian personnel. It would be in charge of securing humanitarian aid along with border security and smuggling prevention, Blinken said.
He revealed that some US allies have already expressed their willingness to contribute security forces to the interim mission, but that they have conditioned this support on Israel agreeing to allow the West Bank and Gaza to be reunited under a reformed PA, as part of a pathway to a two-state solution — something Netanyahu has repeatedly rejected.
Blinken said his plan also envisions the US establishing a new initiative to train, equip, and vet a PA-led security force for Gaza, which would gradually take over the interim security mission.
These various frameworks for Gaza’s governance, reconstruction, and security would be enshrined in a UN Security Council resolution.
Blinken’s speech was a subject of controversy within the Biden administration, with some arguing that it would be exploited by Netanyahu for political gain. Others maintained that it could even harm the hostage negotiations. Another US official told The Times of Israel that the decision to unveil the plan in this manner decreases the likelihood that it will be adopted by the incoming Trump administration, which largely wants to avoid continuing initiatives from the outgoing team.
Turning to the current negotiations for a ceasefire and hostage release deal, Blinken said American, Qatari, and Egyptian mediators submitted a final hostage deal proposal to Israel and Hamas on Sunday, hinting that the terror group has not given an answer.
“The ball is now in Hamas’s court. If Hamas accepts, the deal is ready to be concluded and implemented,” he said, indicating that Israel has already accepted — something even Netanyahu’s office has not confirmed.
“I believe we will get a ceasefire,” he added in his speech. “Whether we get there in the remaining days of our administration, or after January 20, the deal will follow closely the terms of the agreement that President Biden put forward last May and that our administration rallied the world behind.”
In lengthy address, outgoing US top diplomat assesses Hamas has recruited as many members as it has lost, criticizes Israel’s refusal to include Ramallah in ‘day after’ plan
A week before the end of his term as US secretary of state, Antony Blinken laid out the vision of the outgoing US administration of Joe Biden for postwar Gaza, contending that it must include a substantial role for the Palestinian Authority, a notion vehemently opposed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government.
In a lengthy address at the Atlantic Council that touched on many aspects of the war and the broader state of the Middle East, Blinken offered extended criticism of Israel’s war strategy, particularly its refusal to devise a plan to replace the Hamas terror group, which, he contended, has recruited as many fighters as it has lost in the 15-month war.
Blinken said the outgoing administration would hand over its proposed roadmap to President-elect Donald Trump’s team to pick up, if a ceasefire deal is reached, as Israel and Hamas appeared to be on the brink of such an agreement.
Blinken said he envisions the Palestinian Authority inviting international partners to help establish and run an interim administration responsible for key civil sectors in Gaza, such as banking, water, energy, health, and civil coordination with Israel.
He said the international community would provide funding, technical support, and oversight to this interim administration in Gaza, without elaborating on who exactly would fund the enterprise.
He said the interim panel would be assembled through consultation with communities in Gaza and should include representatives from the Strip along with representatives from the PA.
The committee would work closely with a senior UN official appointed to oversee the international Gaza reconstruction effort. The temporary committee would be replaced by a reformed PA “as soon as it’s feasible.”
An interim security mission would be made up of troops from US-allied countries, along with vetted Palestinian personnel. It would be in charge of securing humanitarian aid along with border security and smuggling prevention, Blinken said.
He revealed that some US allies have already expressed their willingness to contribute security forces to the interim mission, but that they have conditioned this support on Israel agreeing to allow the West Bank and Gaza to be reunited under a reformed PA, as part of a pathway to a two-state solution — something Netanyahu has repeatedly rejected.
Blinken said his plan also envisions the US establishing a new initiative to train, equip, and vet a PA-led security force for Gaza, which would gradually take over the interim security mission.
These various frameworks for Gaza’s governance, reconstruction, and security would be enshrined in a UN Security Council resolution.
Blinken’s speech was a subject of controversy within the Biden administration, with some arguing that it would be exploited by Netanyahu for political gain. Others maintained that it could even harm the hostage negotiations. Another US official told The Times of Israel that the decision to unveil the plan in this manner decreases the likelihood that it will be adopted by the incoming Trump administration, which largely wants to avoid continuing initiatives from the outgoing team.
Turning to the current negotiations for a ceasefire and hostage release deal, Blinken said American, Qatari, and Egyptian mediators submitted a final hostage deal proposal to Israel and Hamas on Sunday, hinting that the terror group has not given an answer.
“The ball is now in Hamas’s court. If Hamas accepts, the deal is ready to be concluded and implemented,” he said, indicating that Israel has already accepted — something even Netanyahu’s office has not confirmed.
“I believe we will get a ceasefire,” he added in his speech. “Whether we get there in the remaining days of our administration, or after January 20, the deal will follow closely the terms of the agreement that President Biden put forward last May and that our administration rallied the world behind.”
Anti-Israel heckling
Blinken’s speech was interrupted three times in its first 15 minutes by anti-Israel protesters who accused him of facilitating “genocide.”
“You will forever be known as Bloody Blinken, secretary of genocide,” the first protester shouted before being led out of the event.
An anti-Israel protester is removed from the room as US Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks at the Atlantic Council in Washington, DC, on January 14, 2025. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP)“You’re a brutal war criminal,” screeched a second protester, five minutes later.
Blinken remained calm, telling one heckler, “I respect your views. Please allow me to share mine,” before resuming his remarks.
Blinken said US officials had debated “vigorously” the Biden administration’s response to the war, a reference to a slew of resignations by officials in his State Department who criticized the policy to continue providing arms and diplomatic cover to Israel.
Others felt Washington held Israel back from inflicting greater damage on Iran and its proxies, he said.
“It is crucial to ask questions like these, which will be studied for years to come,” he said. “I wish I could stand here today and tell you with certainty that we got every decision right. I cannot.”
Recipe for ‘perpetual war’
Blinken criticized Israel’s war strategy, saying Netanyahu’s refusal to advance a viable alternative to Hamas rule in Gaza, such as the PA, led the IDF to repeatedly return to places in the Strip it had previously cleared of Hamas fighters who then managed to return.
“We’ve long made the point to the Israeli government that Hamas cannot be defeated by a military campaign alone, that without a clear alternative, a post-conflict plan, and a credible political horizon for the Palestinians, Hamas, or something just as abhorrent and dangerous, will grow back,” Blinken said.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken speaks at the Atlantic Council in Washington, DC, on January 14, 2025. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS / AFP)“That’s exactly what’s happened in northern Gaza since October 7. Each time Israel completes its military operations and pulls back, Hamas militants regroup and reemerge because there’s nothing else to fill the void,” he said.
“Indeed, we assess that Hamas has recruited almost as many new militants as it has lost,” Blinken revealed. “That is a recipe for an enduring insurgency and perpetual war.”
“Israel has pursued its military campaign past the point of destroying Hamas’s military capacity and killing the leaders responsible for October 7, convinced that unrelenting military pressure was required to get Hamas to accept a ceasefire and hostage deal on Israel’s terms,” he said.
He added that Hamas has “cynically weaponized the suffering of Palestinians,” and pointed to a Wall Street Journal report that purported to reveal a message that the late Hamas terror leader Yahya Sinwar sent to mediators, in which he called the death of Palestinian civilians “necessary sacrifices” and argued that the more innocent Palestinians were killed, the more Hamas would benefit.
Blinken panned both the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority for some of their policies over the past several years.
“Israelis must abandon the myth that they can carry out de facto annexation [of the West Bank] without cost and consequence to Israel’s democracy, to its standing and to its security,” Blinken contended.
“Israel is expanding official settlements and nationalizing land at a faster clip than any time in the last decade, while turning a blind eye to unprecedented growth in illegal outposts. Violent attacks by extremist settlers against Palestinian civilians have reached record levels,” he lamented.
Blinken said Israel’s refusal to allow the Palestinian Authority to gain a foothold in Gaza and to accept a time-bound, conditions-based approach for Palestinian statehood has prevented other international actors from accepting Israel’s call to help rebuild Gaza.
He acknowledged that some in Israel argue that heeding those requests would amount to a reward for Hamas. However, Blinken argued that Hamas is opposed to the two-state solution for which the international community has advocated, and which it sought to quash with the October 7 onslaught.
This picture, taken from the Israeli side of the border with the Gaza Strip, shows smoke plumes rising from explosions above destroyed buildings in the northern Gaza Strip on January 13, 2025. (Menahem Kahana/AFP)“Israel’s government has systematically undermined the capacity and legitimacy of the only viable alternative to Hamas — the Palestinian Authority,” Blinken said, pointing to Israel’s withholding of hundreds of millions of dollars in Palestinian tax revenues that belong to the PA.
“Israelis must decide what relationship they want with the Palestinians. That cannot be the illusion that Palestinians will accept being a non-people without national rights. Seven million Israeli Jews and some 5 million Palestinians are rooted in the same land. Neither is going anywhere,” he said.
As for the PA, Blinken said it “repeatedly failed to undertake long-overdue reforms,” including ones to rein in corruption, decrease bloated bureaucracy, and alter its welfare program to cease payments to security prisoners based on the severity of their attack against Israelis.
He also blasted the PA for refusing to consistently and unequivocally condemn Hamas’s October 7, 2023, onslaught, saying it “only entrenched doubts among Israelis that the two communities can ever live side by side in peace.”
Reflecting on the dangerous ripple effects of the war in Gaza, Blinken noted that “the more people suffer, the less they feel empathy for the suffering of those on the other side.
“Throughout the Arab and Muslim worlds, large majorities believe that October 7 didn’t happen — or if it did, that it was a legitimate attack on Israel’s military,” he said of the terror group’s 2023 onslaught that started the war, in which some 1,200 were killed and 251 taken hostage, amid widespread and widely documented atrocities against civilians, including attacks on hundreds of families in their homes and on a music festival.
“In Israel, there is almost no reporting on the conditions in Gaza and what people there endure every day,” Blinken continued. “This dehumanization is one of the greatest tragedies of the conflict.” link
Personal Stories
Making hostages a centerpiece, a Tel Aviv museum becomes a showcase for wartime agilityIts valuables are out of storage and new shows are being planned, but the Tel Aviv Museum of Art, ground zero for the hostage struggle, is still readying for whatever war may bring 
The Tel Aviv Museum of Art after October 7, 2023 (Guy Yechiely)
Early on the morning of October 7, 2023, Tania Coen-Uzzielli was heading home to Israel from Florence, Italy, where the Italian-born director of the Tel Aviv Museum of Art had attended a conference about art patronage.
As Coen-Uzzielli read updates about the unfolding atrocities taking place in Israel’s south and the barrage of rockets targeting much of the rest of the country, her staff began packing up the Alberto Giacometti exhibit, a retrospective of the Swiss sculptor being shown at the museum’s annex. A worried call was made to the French foundation that holds the collection about how to get the works back to Paris as quickly as possible.
By the next day, the museum staff was putting other valuable artworks into underground storage.
The institution shuttered its doors in the post-October 7 tumult, but its staff kept working, figuring that the museum could help the thousands of evacuees from the south who were flooding into Tel Aviv, seeking safety and distraction from the trauma and terror of the previous days.
“We thought about art and our task in the community,” said Coen-Uzzielli, “so we started to bring them here.”
Within two weeks, the museum’s outdoor plaza, featuring oversized sculptures by Menashe Kadishman and Henry Moore, had become Hostages Square, an outdoor space meant as a place of contemplation and gathering for the hostage families and their supporters.
The Shabbat dinner table installation first placed in Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square in October 2023 (Credit Guy Yechiely)The ad hoc organization that formed to support the hostage families had requested the use of the museum plaza because of its position across the street from the Defense Ministry compound, where crucial decisions were being made relating to their loved ones.
Eventually, the area would become the focus of protests and rallies, but before all that, it was a simply a space for installations drawing attention to the plight of the hostages and their families.
The very first one, two weeks after the attack, was a long Shabbat table set for the hostages, with highchairs, children’s cups and white roses at some of the place settings.
Coen-Uzzielli recommended placing the table so it would lead out from the museum’s front doors, but otherwise ceded all decisions about how to use the space to the then-fledgling Hostages Forum.
“It made us think about what was our job as a public resource, and we had this moment to realize what we could and couldn’t do for them,” she said. “The placement of this in the museum plaza gave it a certain tone, but it wasn’t ours, even though we’re the art museum.”
The relationship between the art institution and the hostage families has persisted over the last 15 months and will continue as long as there are hostages in Gaza, said Coen-Uzzielli, who has been director of the museum since 2019 and was formerly head of curatorial affairs at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem.
More than just offering real estate, the process has changed the art institution and reinforced its determination to remain a guiding force in the Israeli art world.
The Tel Aviv Museum of Art welcomed all kinds of visitors and activities in the first weeks and months after October 7, 2023 (Credit Guy Yechiely)The museum, like all others in the country, was closed for the first six weeks of the war but offered art lectures on Zoom and activities for kids who had been evacuated.
When it reopened in November, it had realigned the exhibits and programming to respond to the unfolding situation.
By that time, Hostages Square had been completely transformed, with tents set up for gatherings and discussions, merchandise with the “Bring Them Home Now” slogan for sale, and small stages built for impromptu speeches and presentations by hostage family members.
In those first months, the museum offered organizers storage space, and allowed participants to use its bathrooms, as well as take shelter in protected spaces when rocket sirens sounded, particularly during the hostage rallies attended by thousands each Saturday night.
The institution’s lobby became a space for Friday morning yoga classes held in support of hostage Carmel Gat, before she was killed at the end of August 2024 by her Hamas captors, as well as Shabbat services on Friday evening organized by some of the kibbutz communities that had been invaded.
One of the many hostage installations in Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square since October 2023 (Credit Kobi Wolf)There were eventually therapeutic tours and museum meetings for the bereaved, the injured, and survivors of the Nova desert rave.
“A museum can take any temperature,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “That’s its superpower, to be agile and resilient. To deal with what’s happening and not simply close its doors and go home.”
Doing so requires a constant balancing act by the museum, to keep within its mandate of offering the public access to art while recognizing the deep pain that was being marked outside its doors.
With the rocket fire largely subsiding in recent months, many of the artworks have recently emerged from storage and returned to their rightful places on the gallery walls.
The Tel Aviv Museum of Art after October 7, 2023 (Guy Yechiely)
Early on the morning of October 7, 2023, Tania Coen-Uzzielli was heading home to Israel from Florence, Italy, where the Italian-born director of the Tel Aviv Museum of Art had attended a conference about art patronage.
As Coen-Uzzielli read updates about the unfolding atrocities taking place in Israel’s south and the barrage of rockets targeting much of the rest of the country, her staff began packing up the Alberto Giacometti exhibit, a retrospective of the Swiss sculptor being shown at the museum’s annex. A worried call was made to the French foundation that holds the collection about how to get the works back to Paris as quickly as possible.
By the next day, the museum staff was putting other valuable artworks into underground storage.
The institution shuttered its doors in the post-October 7 tumult, but its staff kept working, figuring that the museum could help the thousands of evacuees from the south who were flooding into Tel Aviv, seeking safety and distraction from the trauma and terror of the previous days.
“We thought about art and our task in the community,” said Coen-Uzzielli, “so we started to bring them here.”
Within two weeks, the museum’s outdoor plaza, featuring oversized sculptures by Menashe Kadishman and Henry Moore, had become Hostages Square, an outdoor space meant as a place of contemplation and gathering for the hostage families and their supporters.
The ad hoc organization that formed to support the hostage families had requested the use of the museum plaza because of its position across the street from the Defense Ministry compound, where crucial decisions were being made relating to their loved ones.
Eventually, the area would become the focus of protests and rallies, but before all that, it was a simply a space for installations drawing attention to the plight of the hostages and their families.
The very first one, two weeks after the attack, was a long Shabbat table set for the hostages, with highchairs, children’s cups and white roses at some of the place settings.
Coen-Uzzielli recommended placing the table so it would lead out from the museum’s front doors, but otherwise ceded all decisions about how to use the space to the then-fledgling Hostages Forum.
“It made us think about what was our job as a public resource, and we had this moment to realize what we could and couldn’t do for them,” she said. “The placement of this in the museum plaza gave it a certain tone, but it wasn’t ours, even though we’re the art museum.”
The relationship between the art institution and the hostage families has persisted over the last 15 months and will continue as long as there are hostages in Gaza, said Coen-Uzzielli, who has been director of the museum since 2019 and was formerly head of curatorial affairs at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem.
More than just offering real estate, the process has changed the art institution and reinforced its determination to remain a guiding force in the Israeli art world.
The museum, like all others in the country, was closed for the first six weeks of the war but offered art lectures on Zoom and activities for kids who had been evacuated.
When it reopened in November, it had realigned the exhibits and programming to respond to the unfolding situation.
By that time, Hostages Square had been completely transformed, with tents set up for gatherings and discussions, merchandise with the “Bring Them Home Now” slogan for sale, and small stages built for impromptu speeches and presentations by hostage family members.
In those first months, the museum offered organizers storage space, and allowed participants to use its bathrooms, as well as take shelter in protected spaces when rocket sirens sounded, particularly during the hostage rallies attended by thousands each Saturday night.
The institution’s lobby became a space for Friday morning yoga classes held in support of hostage Carmel Gat, before she was killed at the end of August 2024 by her Hamas captors, as well as Shabbat services on Friday evening organized by some of the kibbutz communities that had been invaded.
There were eventually therapeutic tours and museum meetings for the bereaved, the injured, and survivors of the Nova desert rave.
“A museum can take any temperature,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “That’s its superpower, to be agile and resilient. To deal with what’s happening and not simply close its doors and go home.”
Doing so requires a constant balancing act by the museum, to keep within its mandate of offering the public access to art while recognizing the deep pain that was being marked outside its doors.
With the rocket fire largely subsiding in recent months, many of the artworks have recently emerged from storage and returned to their rightful places on the gallery walls.
‘A mirror on society’
At the same time, the museum, like many Israeli museums, has been grappling with the international art world’s reaction to October 7 and the ensuing war in Gaza.
Coen-Uzzielli was one of several Israeli museum directors to respond publicly to an open letter circulated by Artforum a few weeks after the Hamas attack that called for an end to “institutional silence around the ongoing humanitarian crisis that 2.3 million Palestinians are facing in the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip.”
She discovered that all international projects and collaborations with Israeli art institutions were on hold, first because of the war and then because of pro-Palestinian cultural boycotts aimed at isolating the country.
Tania Coen-Uzzielli, director of the Tel Aviv Museum of Art (Photo by Hadas Parush)“They wrote to us and said, ‘We don’t want to be in touch with you,’ and we got that we had to figure this out for the long term,” said Coen-Uzzielli.
Without international loans and with many of its valuable pieces held in storage, the museum staff had to get even more creative.
They put together “To Catch a Fleeting Moment: 150 Years to Impressionism,” open from July to December 14 with major works loaned by Jewish collector friends of the museum and with an emphasis on Impressionist artists working on pieces after the world wars, an angle that resonated with visitors, said Coen-Uzzielli.
There is “Cascade,” by lighting artist Muhammad Abo Salme, an installation consisting of thousands of meters of metal bead chains of the kind used in military dog tags — the kind also used to express solidarity with the hostages.
Abo Salme is a Bedouin artist who once lived in Kibbutz Kfar Aza, one of the hardest-hit communities in the south, and he wants to show something of his connection as an Arab to the tragedies of the past months.
The bald expression of empathy with Jewish suffering sometimes perturbs Arab visitors to the museum, according to Coen-Uzzielli, but she spoke proudly of the fact that the museum had continued offering a program for Arabic-speaking schools.
“A museum can hold all those sides,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “Israeli society does that too, and the museum is a kind of mirror on society, that it can be that kind of complicated place.”
An ode to Impressionism with the ‘To Catch a Fleeting Moment’ exhibit, July through December 2024 (Credit Elad Sarig)Museums are meant to generate questions and not necessarily offer answers, she added.
“We’re different people now since the 7th,” the curator said. “Sometimes we see things differently and we’re more sensitive to what can poke at people and set them off.”
An exhibit about the woman’s body and what can be done to it had been planned for 2024, but due to the atrocities of October 7, including sexual violence, it has been postponed.
Over the next year, coming exhibits will showcase women and Arab artists. There will also be a focus on Israeli artists, who have less of an international platform to turn to right now.
“We’re seen as this combative country in the art world, but we at the museum can show another side. We’re a platform for this complexity,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “I believe that some [of our international colleagues] will come back and some won’t. We need agility to be able to react to what happens next.”
A young visitor contemplating an artwork at the Tel Aviv Museum of Art, which later put the painting into storage during the relentless rocket attacks (Credit Guy Yechiely)Coen-Uzzielli said the museum’s plans are in place through summer 2025. That’s a far shorter lead time than usual, but the institution need to be more agile than in the past, cognizant of what can change.
“We’re in a planning mode,” said Coen-Uzzielli, “depending on how the situation develops.”
At the same time, the museum, like many Israeli museums, has been grappling with the international art world’s reaction to October 7 and the ensuing war in Gaza.
Coen-Uzzielli was one of several Israeli museum directors to respond publicly to an open letter circulated by Artforum a few weeks after the Hamas attack that called for an end to “institutional silence around the ongoing humanitarian crisis that 2.3 million Palestinians are facing in the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip.”
She discovered that all international projects and collaborations with Israeli art institutions were on hold, first because of the war and then because of pro-Palestinian cultural boycotts aimed at isolating the country.
“They wrote to us and said, ‘We don’t want to be in touch with you,’ and we got that we had to figure this out for the long term,” said Coen-Uzzielli.
Without international loans and with many of its valuable pieces held in storage, the museum staff had to get even more creative.
They put together “To Catch a Fleeting Moment: 150 Years to Impressionism,” open from July to December 14 with major works loaned by Jewish collector friends of the museum and with an emphasis on Impressionist artists working on pieces after the world wars, an angle that resonated with visitors, said Coen-Uzzielli.
There is “Cascade,” by lighting artist Muhammad Abo Salme, an installation consisting of thousands of meters of metal bead chains of the kind used in military dog tags — the kind also used to express solidarity with the hostages.
Abo Salme is a Bedouin artist who once lived in Kibbutz Kfar Aza, one of the hardest-hit communities in the south, and he wants to show something of his connection as an Arab to the tragedies of the past months.
The bald expression of empathy with Jewish suffering sometimes perturbs Arab visitors to the museum, according to Coen-Uzzielli, but she spoke proudly of the fact that the museum had continued offering a program for Arabic-speaking schools.
“A museum can hold all those sides,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “Israeli society does that too, and the museum is a kind of mirror on society, that it can be that kind of complicated place.”
Museums are meant to generate questions and not necessarily offer answers, she added.
“We’re different people now since the 7th,” the curator said. “Sometimes we see things differently and we’re more sensitive to what can poke at people and set them off.”
An exhibit about the woman’s body and what can be done to it had been planned for 2024, but due to the atrocities of October 7, including sexual violence, it has been postponed.
Over the next year, coming exhibits will showcase women and Arab artists. There will also be a focus on Israeli artists, who have less of an international platform to turn to right now.
“We’re seen as this combative country in the art world, but we at the museum can show another side. We’re a platform for this complexity,” said Coen-Uzzielli. “I believe that some [of our international colleagues] will come back and some won’t. We need agility to be able to react to what happens next.”
Coen-Uzzielli said the museum’s plans are in place through summer 2025. That’s a far shorter lead time than usual, but the institution need to be more agile than in the past, cognizant of what can change.
“We’re in a planning mode,” said Coen-Uzzielli, “depending on how the situation develops.”
Dark Legacy - The Abandonment of October 7th Hostages
The Road to theOctober 7th Failureis Paved with Political Interests and IndifferenceKsenia SvetlovaFormer Member of the Israeli Parliament as part of theZionist Union Party, a non-resident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council and the Executive Director of the Regional Organization for Peace, Economics & Security (ROPES).When hundreds of flammable balloon devices were launched from the Gaza Strip to Israel in 2018, igniting southern Israel, and when Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad escalated each round of violence, increasing its missile count, I was a Knesset Member of the opposition party I participated in the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee meetings and I thought that I would lose my sanity. Next to me sat senior politicians, ministers, former heads of the Israeli Secret Service and one Prime Minister - all of whom asserted that these repeated acts of violence actually indicated that Hamas was deterred, that the Israeli determination caused Hamas’ leaders to stand down, and moreover - that these terrorists now sought stability and a long-term resolution of the crisis.I often visited the Israeli south, along the Gaza border, between 2015 and 2019, together with my fellow members from the Zionist Union. We saw the pastoral, tranquil towns, the patient and brave citizens, and Hamas breathing down their necks over the fence. Even then they felt neglected, following Operation Protective Edge, which was supposed to critically damage Hamas, when in fact, it only grew stronger. Even then, no one cared that their fields and crops were consumed by fire, nor that they had to flee to the north every time Hamas decided to escalate the situation.At the same time, Israel Katz, Israeli Minister of Transportation, spoke about resolving the situation in Gaza. He actively supported building a seaport and an artificial island off the Gaza coast with an international airport. The citizens of Gaza undoubtedly needed these amenities, but he enthusiastically promoted these plans during the numerous rounds of terrorist attacks by Hamas and its series of new leaders, each more ruthless than the one before, while Israel bore the situation in silence. At that time Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke a great deal of “deterrence”. He was adamant that after every round of violence Hamas was weaker and demoralized. In the past, I was an Arab affairs correspondent. In that capacity, I visited the Gaza Strip often and interviewed most of Hamas’s bloody-handed leadership. I never felt that any of them were interested in a prolonged ceasefire that would eventually lead to peace and stability. They all spoke clearly about the need to build their strength and continue the war until the “ultimate victory” over the State of Israel.Everything was out in the open, everything was crystal clear. All of the cards were on the table. Netanyahu’s post-October 7th argument that no one contacted him at the right time to inform him of the threat in the south is irrelevant. Under his watch, hundreds of Israeli citizens were abandoned and taken hostage by Hamas. They chose to live on the Israeli frontier, they chose to attend a music rave within their own national borders - they are not to blame for being taken hostage. Netanyahu’s policies led us there. The tragedy of October 7th could have been avoided. Netanyahu will forever be remembered as the most corrupt prime minister, the biggest failure in the history of the State of Israel. His only legacy will be the colossal catastrophe and unimaginable pain and suffering that is the fate of millions of good, honest Israelis. That is how we will remember him. Not as “Mr. Security”, but as “Mr. Failure”.
Acronyms and Glossary
ICC - International Criminal Court in the Hague
IJC - International Court of Justice in the Hague
MDA - Magen David Adom - Israel Ambulance Corp
PA - Palestinian Authority - President Mahmud Abbas, aka Abu Mazen
PMO- Prime Minister's Office
UAV - Unmanned Aerial vehicle, Drone. Could be used for surveillance and reconnaissance, or be weaponized with missiles or contain explosives for 'suicide' explosion mission
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Twitter - @LonnyB58 Bluesky - @lonny-b.bsky.social
Twitter - @LonnyB58
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